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Contrary to popular myth, forgoing coffee isn’t likely to improve your health. The opposite might be true: Years of research suggests that drinking coffee is linked with a lower risk of death.
The latest addition to that body of research was published Monday in the Annals of Internal Medicine. The study looked at around 120,000 people in the U.K. who regularly drank unsweetened or sugar-sweetened coffee over seven years. The findings suggested that those who drank 1.5 to 3.5 cups a day had a lower risk of death during those seven years than non-coffee drinkers, even if they added a teaspoon of real sugar — not artificial sweetener — to every cup.
On the whole, people who drank unsweetened coffee were 16 percent to 21 percent less likely to die during the study period than people who didn’t drink coffee at all, the results showed.
But the researchers didn't look at causality, so they couldn't say whether coffee is directly responsible for the outcome.
"Biologically, it is plausible that coffee could actually confer some direct health benefits," said Dr. Christina Wee, an associate professor of medicine at Harvard Medical School. Wee edited the study and wrote an accompanying editorial about the results.
But she added: "We can’t say for sure that it’s the coffee drinking per se that leads to the lower mortality risk."
It’s possible, for example, that people who regularly drink coffee are wealthier and therefore more likely to have better health care or more time for leisure or fitness than non-coffee drinkers, which could lower their mortality risk.
The participants in the new study were around 56 years old, on average, and they were recruited from 2006 to 2010. The researchers accounted for factors like diet, smoking, socioeconomic status, pre-existing health problems and exposure to air pollution.
The results suggested that people who drank sugar-sweetened coffee were 29 percent to 31 percent less likely to die than non-coffee drinkers — a slightly higher risk reduction than was observed among people who drank unsweetened coffee, though in the same range.
The study didn’t find conclusive results for people who drank coffee with artificial sweeteners; neither did it look specifically at people who added milk or cream.
Wee said the results do not suggest it's healthier to add sugar to your coffee than to drink it plain.
"My biggest caution is to not equate this to 'Oh, I can drink any kind of coffee with loads of calories,' because there are other studies that clearly show that adding sugar and high levels of empty calories is not good for you. So just do things in moderation," she said.
"What this study is really saying is that adding a little bit of sugar doesn’t take away all the potential health benefits that coffee might have," Wee said.
An association between coffee drinking and a lower risk of death is well-established: A 2019 analysis found that drinking two to four cups a day lowered a person's risk of death relative to people who didn't consume coffee. Another analysis suggested that consuming three to four daily cups lowered the risk of dying from heart disease compared to no coffee at all. The same research found that coffee drinking was associated with a decreased risk of Parkinson’s disease, chronic kidney disease, Type 2 diabetes and certain cancers.
But experts haven't determined why coffee is associated with those benefits.
Some research has suggested that the antioxidants in coffee might reduce inflammation and lower the risk of disease, but the connection is far from certain.
And other research has linked coffee to some negative health effects. A 2015 review found that drinking one to four cups a day was associated with an increased risk of blood clots, but the opposite was true among people who drank five or more cups a day. A review last year , meanwhile, found that boiled coffee was correlated with increased levels of "bad" cholesterol, while filtered coffee didn’t have the same effect. Caffeine can also raise blood pressure in the short term .
The recent research is far from definitive, Wee said. She noted, too, that some lifestyle factors associated with coffee drinking can be unhealthy: "You work long hours and you need to stay up all the time, or you’re stressed and you have deadlines."
Because of that, Wee said, "I am more confident that we can say that coffee drinking is likely not harmful, maybe a little bit beneficial."
"If you don’t enjoy coffee, I wouldn’t force yourself to like it," she added.
Aria Bendix is the breaking health reporter for NBC News Digital.
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Coffee is a complex mixture of chemicals that provides significant amounts of chlorogenic acid and caffeine. Unfiltered coffee is a significant source of cafestol and kahweol, which are diterpenes that have been implicated in the cholesterol-raising effects of coffee. The results of epidemiological research suggest that coffee consumption may help prevent several chronic diseases, including type 2 diabetes mellitus, Parkinson's disease and liver disease (cirrhosis and hepatocellular carcinoma). Most prospective cohort studies have not found coffee consumption to be associated with significantly increased cardiovascular disease risk. However, coffee consumption is associated with increases in several cardiovascular disease risk factors, including blood pressure and plasma homocysteine. At present, there is little evidence that coffee consumption increases the risk of cancer. For adults consuming moderate amounts of coffee (3-4 cups/d providing 300-400 mg/d of caffeine), there is little evidence of health risks and some evidence of health benefits. However, some groups, including people with hypertension, children, adolescents, and the elderly, may be more vulnerable to the adverse effects of caffeine. In addition, currently available evidence suggests that it may be prudent for pregnant women to limit coffee consumption to 3 cups/d providing no more than 300 mg/d of caffeine to exclude any increased probability of spontaneous abortion or impaired fetal growth.
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Coffee varieties catalog, strategy 2021–2025, latest news, the future of robusta breeding: an update, world coffee research releases 2023 annual report, evaluating cup quality in global arabica variety trial reveals complex interaction between genetics and environment, wcr welcomes josué arevalo alvarenga, research technician for latin america, enhancing access to quality planting material, economic opportunities for coffee producers in uganda, world coffee research ceo jennifer “vern” long named 2024 notable leader in sustainability, first seedlings from the innovea network transplanted for field evaluation, world coffee research releases new report on seed quality assurance, underscores opportunities to strengthen sector, wcr welcomes dr. verônica belchior, research scientist for coffee quality evaluation, where to find us at the specialty coffee association expo 2024 in chicago, new, more complete arabica genome to allow for effective variety development, forging the future of coffee—together.
Siles, P., Cerdán, C., & Staver, C. (2022). Smallholder Coffee in the Global Economy—A framework to explore transformation alternatives of traditional agroforestry for greater economic, ecological, and livelihood viability. Frontiers in Sustainable Food Systems, 6. https://doi.org/10.3389/fsufs.2022.808207.
The world's top five producers of coffee are Brazil, Vietnam, Colombia, Indonesia, and Ethiopia. This percentage was calculated using the total coffee production volume generated by the top five producing countries over the total global production volume for both arabica and robusta between 2019–2022. Source: International Coffee Organization trade statistics tables, https://www.ico.org/trade_statistics.asp.
Maredia, M. and Martínez, J. M. (2023). Coffee’s innovation crisis: Determining the size of the agricultural R&D investment gap for coffee amid growing consumer demand and the climate crisis. World Coffee Research. https://worldcoffeeresearch.org/resources/coffees-innovation-crisis
"Bags" refers to 60-kg bags.
Range calculated using historical coffee production data (1980-2020) and production projections under future demand scenarios and climate change scenarios. Source: Maredia, M. and Martínez, J. M. (2023). Coffee’s innovation crisis: Determining the size of the agricultural R&D investment gap for coffee amid growing consumer demand and the climate crisis. World Coffee Research. https://worldcoffeeresearch.org/resources/coffees-innovation-crisis
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Nick Brown | July 8, 2024
International robusta coffee prices. The international robusta coffee price is shown in US$/kg for the period 2004–2020. This is based on data from the International Coffee Organization. Image shared via CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license . See the original here .
A recent public health study found that income uncertainty, particularly in the context of volatile coffee prices, negatively impacts the mental health of smallholder coffee farmers .
After studying small-scale coffee farmers in Vietnam, the world’s second-largest coffee producing country , the researchers suggested the results may be applicable to populations in other low- and middle-income countries that rely significantly on commodity-price-driven agricultural exports.
“Our results suggest that not only poverty, but also the risk of poverty caused by fluctuating prices has a significant additional negative effect on the mental well-being of farmers in low-income countries,” Finn Tarp, a professor at the University of Copenhagen and coordinator of the Development Economics Research Group (DERG) said in an announcement of the publication.
Tarp and Saurabh Singhal of Lancaster University (UK) co-authored the study, which was recently published in the American Journal of Agricultural Economics , a publication of the Agricultural and Applied Economics Association .
“ Coffee flowers ” by Okkisafire is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0 .
Commodity coffee prices have experienced extreme volatility since the collapse of an internationally established quota system more than three decades ago. Smallholder coffee farmers are particularly vulnerable to price volatility , according to numerous studies .
The researchers behind the new study found that price volatility correlated with a 12.3% to 15% increase in depressive symptoms among Vietnamese coffee farmers.
“The perennial nature of coffee trees, which have a lifespan of over 50 years, means that farmers cannot quickly switch to other crops in response to price fluctuations,” the authors wrote. “This inflexibility leaves them exposed to the volatile international commodity markets.”
Smallholder coffee farmers experiencing price volatility were found to have more pessimistic expectations of future economic well-being, increased cognitive load, higher alcohol consumption and reduced social capital.
According to the authors, the study’s findings align with broader literature on economic uncertainty, showing that income instability can lead to adverse mental health outcomes. The authors urged government intervention regarding coffee prices in order to attempt to improve mental health outcomes and public health among farmers.
Said Tarp, “Governments should consider introducing policies that stabilize farmers’ incomes, for example by offering price insurance or increasing access to market-based risk management.”
Find the full study here .
Comments? Questions? News to share? Contact DCN’s editors here .
Nick Brown Nick Brown is the editor of Daily Coffee News by Roast Magazine.
Tags: coffee prices , Development Economics Research Group (DERG) , Finn Tarp , Lancaster University , mental health , prices , public health , research , Saurabh Singhal , science , smallholder farmers , social sustainability , University of Copenhagen
Changes in the economics of coffee production between 2008 and 2019: a tale of two central american countries.
Increasing costs of coffee production relative to coffee prices has led to concern across the industry of lack of profitability of coffee production especially for smallholders who comprise a large majority of producers. This study compares coffee production costs and income over a decadal interval of 2008 versus 2019 for coffee farmers in some of the main coffee growing regions of Costa Rica and Guatemala. Costs and income were collected by farmer recall using a standard questionnaire with trained research surveyors. Net income as assessed by EBITDA (earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation and amortization) increased by about 30% in Costa Rica, but declined to a third of its 2008 level in Guatemala. Agronomic costs of production per hectare increased by 31% in Costa Rica and 62% in Guatemala, mostly due to increased labor costs (higher daily wage rates), while fertilizer usage increased but unit costs remained stable. Gross income was stable in Guatemala but increased in Costa Rica due to receiving significantly higher prices for their coffee in 2019 compared to 2008, while in Guatemala prices declined. Nevertheless, the response was not uniform between farms in Costa Rica while high and medium productivity groupings of farms had higher EBITDA, low and very low productivity farms experienced a decline similar to Guatemala. The difference in performance of farm groups in Costa Rica was due to a decline in production per hectare of the lower productivity group; while the difference between Guatemala and Costa Rica was firstly due to price differences, and secondarily due to lower productivity of some farm groups. The investment of Costa Rican farmers was undoubtedly supported by the substantially increased price received by farmers (as compared to Guatemala), reflected in the increase in export price of coffee from Costa Rica relative to Guatemala. This shows the importance of farmers receiving higher prices for their produce in enabling them to cover increasing production costs, invest in increasing productivity and maintain profitability.
Coffee production is estimated to provide livelihoods for between 12.5 to 25 million farmers and their families ( Enveritas, 2019 ; ICO, 2019 ), of which about 95% are smallholders with farms less than 5 hectares ( Enveritas, 2019 ). Although global coffee production has increased by 65% since 1990, prices continue to be highly volatile. Since the end of the International Coffee Agreement and market liberalization at the beginning of the 1990s coffee prices crashed in the early 2000s recovered toward the end of that decade and then again between 2009 and 2019 declined by 30% (ICO2019). In 2018 prices dropped below US$1.00 per pound for the first time since the price crash of the early 2000s. Coffee producers were struggling to cover their operating costs during the period of 2016–2019, due to rising input, compliance and transaction costs ( ICO, 2019 ). Even for the 2015/16 harvest, before prices declined further, between 25 and 50% of farmers across Colombia, Honduras and Guatemala were experiencing negative profits, being unable to cover their full economic costs of production. Rising costs and falling prices have resulted in up to half of coffee producing smallholders living below the extreme poverty line in some countries (ICO 2020). While coffee prices have recovered somewhat over the 2020–2022 period, price volatility is inherent and systemic in coffee production, with farmers facing prices below production costs a few years in every decade.
Over longer time frames (1970–2019) there is no significant trend of prices increasing nor decreasing ( ICO, 2019 ), but costs of production have increased sharply since 2010 thus reducing profits for producers ( Sachs et al., 2019 ). Cordes et al. (2021) found that average coffee income was below a living income for all top ten coffee producing countries except Brazil. The main drivers of poor economic performance appeared to vary between countries, while in Colombia and Guatemala high production costs were important (and in general for Latin America), in Uganda low farmgate prices and small farm size, and Ethiopia low coffee productivity were key factors.
Central America is one of the main coffee growing regions of the world producing approximately 10% of global production but specializing in high quality arabica coffees supporting about 290,000 farmers and is a major source of income and employment in rural areas ( CEPAL, 2002 ). Guatemala is the eighth largest coffee producer globally and fourth largest producer of Arabica coffee. Both Guatemala and Costa Rica have a reputation for producing very high quality and specialty coffees. The countries share some macro variables that make the comparative analysis relevant, such as inflation rates, tax burden, being in the same region, and open market economies. Moreover, both countries are exposed to changes in commodity and input prices and are dependent on importing fertilizers and other inputs and exporting their production. Agroclimatic conditions for production are similar in the two countries and coffee production systems are similar derived from traditional shaded agroforestry systems with varying degrees of intensification, but not high input, irrigated monocultures as in Vietnam or parts of Brazil. Nevertheless, socioeconomic conditions in the two countries are distinct with Guatemala having one of the highest poverty and inequality rates in Latin America ( The World Bank, 2024a ), the highest poverty level in Central America while Costa Rica has higher levels of overall income, a relatively equitable distribution of wealth and high levels of education and social welfare ( The World Bank, 2024b ). Thus, the two countries have similar conditions for coffee production but within distinct economic and social conditions.
Since the dissolution of the International Coffee Agreement in 1989 that buffered price fluctuations, there have been price crashes between 1991–1993, 2000–2003 ( Bacon, 2008 ), and substantial fluctuations subsequently. The fall in coffee prices between 2000 and 2003 led to a 25% reduction in coffee production across Central America and the loss of half a million jobs ( Castro et al., 2004 ). Addressing the financial instability among coffee producers remains an on-going challenge with many different industry and development programs attempting to address the issue. There are various initiatives between industry and development organizations seeking to determine what is a living income for coffee farmers such as the IDH (2020) Task Force for a Living Income report, while Fairtrade International ( https://www.fairtrade.net/issue/living-income ) have established a Living Income Reference Price for some countries. Most recently the International Coffee Organization with United Nations Industrial Development Organization launched a report on the sustainability and resilience of global coffee value chains and proposed the establishment of a Global Coffee Fund address the financial instability of the sector ( ICO and UNIDO, 2024 ).
Changes in costs of production summarized by Sachs et al. (2019) indicate considerable differences between countries, perhaps due to different levels of investment in labor compared to inputs. Is it stated that both increases in labor costs and inputs costs were drivers of reduced profitability. It might be expected that higher wage economies such as Costa Rica would be at a disadvantage to lower wage economies such as Guatemala. Nevertheless, clear data on changes in production costs over time appear to be lacking. Overall, past studies lack comparable data at farm level across time to ascertain the main causes and responses to the perceived decline in profitability of coffee production in countries whose primary producers are smallholders.
In this study we aim to determine the changes in the on-farm economics of coffee production over a decadal period between 2008 and 2019 under the distinct socioeconomic conditions of Guatemala and Costa Rica to understand the factors that may be contributing to falling profitability or enabling farmers to maintain their incomes.
2.1 methods.
The study applied the Committee for Sustainability Assessment (COSA) method for multi-criteria assessment of sustainability in coffee ( Giovannucci and Potts, 2008 ) to characterize farms and evaluate coffee production costs and income from coffee on farms across Guatemala and Costa Rica. This is a method that can be implemented in between half to one day per farm; while this limits the depth of evaluation it also permits larger sample sizes to be undertaken.
Two surveys were undertaken, one in 2008/09, the other in 2019/20. The 2008/09 survey was conducted across all the main coffee growing regions in each country, was structured to compare farms with sustainability certification and those without and included a total of 237 farms in Costa Rica and 273 farms in Guatemala ( Soto et al., 2011 ). Certified farms were selected from lists provided by certification bodies and traders in-country, and non-certified farms were identified from the same communities with similar characteristics.
The 2019/20 survey selected farms from the 2008/09 data-base but focused on three of the main coffee growing regions in each country covering a range of agro-environmental conditions, as described in Haggar et al. (2021) . In Costa Rica, farms were located in: (i) Turrialba-Orosi (low-medium altitude, high rainfall, standard commercial grade coffee); (ii) Valle Occidental (mid-high altitude, seasonal climate with high quality coffee), and (iii) Los Santos Tarrazú (high altitude, seasonal climate, and coffee quality that is considered the best in the country). In Guatemala, farms were located in: West (departments of Quetzaltenango, Retalhuleu, and San Marcos) low-high altitude, high rainfall, commercial grade coffee; Mid (department of Solola) high altitude, medium rainfall, high quality coffee; and East (departments of Guatemala, Sacatepequez and Chimaltenango) high altitude, low rainfall, and very high coffee quality. A total of 180 farms (90 per country, 30 per region) were initially selected from a list used in a previous study in 2008/09. Where these farms were not available or interested in participating they were replaced by nearby farms of similar characteristics (56 in total). Ethical standards of prior consent and confidentiality were followed as appropriate for socioeconomic surveys and farmers were at complete liberty to decline to participate (as a few did).
Two surveyors experienced in farm verification processes conducted the farmer questionnaires, but different surveyors were used for the two evaluation periods. Surveyors received training, conducted trial interviews, and interview responses were reviewed periodically to ensure quality with feedback provided. All variables were quality checked in order to identify values out of acceptable or standardized ranges. All the values identified as outliers were reviewed or corrected with the producer in a second visit or phone call.
In both surveys we used the COSA questionnaires to register all coffee agronomic practices and estimate the costs of those practices during the previous year, (2008 and 2019) as well as the amount of coffee produced, harvest costs and value of sales for the harvest prior to and after the period evaluated for its agronomic costs (i.e., 2007/08 and 2008/09, and 2018/19 and 2019/20 harvests). The actual timing of the survey varied as the agronomic year and start and end of harvest varied across the different regions with some completing harvest in November and others until April. The COSA format is designed to facilitate the reconstruction of costs from farmer recall by working through the practices for the farming year; this is supported by the registers of activities and use of records farmers are required to maintain when they are certified, but are less common for non-certified farmers.
To make the monetary values of both surveys comparable, the values from the 2008/09 survey were multiplied by 1.1874, which reflects the change in the composite Consumer Price Index between 2008 and 2019. Moreover, for each survey the data for production and price was averaged between two adjoining harvests given the known tendency for biennial production, i.e., a good year is generally followed by a poorer year in terms of production per hectare. This avoids excessive fluctuations. The averages are from the 2007/08 and 2008/09, and 2018/19 and 2019/20 harvests, which are referred to 2008 and 2019 for simplicity. Price and production of cherry coffee was used for all farms. When a farm sold coffee in another presentation, standard conversions were used to transform back to cherry.
To study a coffee farm’s profits in a given year consider that
where Π is profits per hectare, T I is total income per hectare and T C is total costs per hectare. In this study EBIDTA (earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation and amortization) is used as a proxy for profits. Expressing the equation with a normalization by plantation size facilitates comparability between farms, and allows for a simple conversion to totals profits, income and cost by multiplying by area. Moreover, consider that
where P is the average price and Q the average production sold per hectare for the harvest for which the production costs were evaluated, and the previous harvest. Costs can be analyzed in different ways to obtain a better picture of underlying dynamics. An initial and relatively simple way is to decompose costs among input costs and labor costs, with
where I C are input costs per hectare and LC are labor costs per hectare. For input costs, the materials (e.g., fertilizer, pesticides, etc.) and equipment (e.g., machetes, tractors, etc.) for all practices were registered noting the volume or number of the product and the cost per unit. For labor costs, the number of person-days and cost per day were registered for all activities. All person-days were considered as a cost, regardless if they generated a monetary payment or if they were family work. Another way to decompose costs is between activities, with
where ∑ A g C contains the costs per hectare of all agronomic activities (i.e., establishment, pruning, manual weed control, conservation, shade management, fertilization, and pesticides), H C are harvesting costs per hectare, and F C are fixed costs per hectare. These costs contain input and labor costs, with all person-days considered as a cost as specified above. Costs of labor for the harvest and processing were calculated (including picking, wet processing, and drying) based on a cost per volume of harvest (as this is how these services are usually paid). The amount and price of materials, tools and equipment used in harvest and processing were registered; in the case of minor equipment that lasts more than a year, total cost was divided by life-span as an estimate. Additional costs were registered including, fuel used (for machinery), transport costs, and administration costs. Fixed costs such as equipment depreciation, maintenance and administrative costs were considered yet played a relatively small part in overall costs. Farms where costs were incomplete or substantially deviated from the normal range of values were eliminated from the analysis.
Based on the 2019 dataset a coffee plantation typology of production strategies was formed for each country using multivariate cluster analysis based on the shade LAI and coffee yield as indicators of sustainability and productivity outcomes of the management strategy of the plantation ( Haggar et al., 2021 ). Cluster analysis of plantations per country was conducted using LAI and coffee productivity (kg ha −1 ), previously standardized, using the Ward method with Euclidean distance. The resulting clusters represent the coffee plantation production strategies that reflects the strategy in terms of intensification and sustainability. Four production strategies were differentiated for each country representing high, medium, low and very low productivity plantations, with varying shade levels ( Appendix Table A1 ). Production strategies significantly differed in the levels of agronomic investment, coffee yield, and shade levels, amongst other factors ( Haggar et al., 2021 ), and can be summarized as follows.
High Productivity Medium Shade (HPMS), were high yielding plantations producing between 12 and 20 tonnes of coffee cherries per hectare annually, with high investment in agronomic production over US$2000 per hectare. Most plantations had between 40 and 60% shade (LAI 0.5–1.1).
Medium Productivity Low/Medium Shade (MPLS/MS) plantations produced between 6 and 12 tonnes (Costa Rica) and 4–12 tonnes (Guatemala) of coffee cherries per hectare per year. Annual agronomic costs in Costa Rica were almost as high as Hprod-Mshade systems, but only about US$1,100 per hectare in Guatemala. Shade levels in both countries were 20–60% (LAI 0.1–1.0), although on average higher in Guatemala.
Low Productivity High Shade (LPHS) was characterized by having high shade over 60% (LAI > 1.0), while productivity ranged from <1 tonne to 9 tonnes of coffee cherries per hectare per year. Annual agronomic costs were on average half that of the Medium Productivity systems, US$1277 per hectare in Costa Rica and US$689 per hectare in Guatemala.
Very Low Productivity Low/Medium Shade (VLPLS/MS) systems had annual yields from <1 tonne up to 6 tonnes of coffee cherries per hectare and shade levels less than 60% (LAI <1.0), although on average higher for Guatemala. Agronomic production costs were very similar to that for the LPHS system.
Differences in EBITDA between 2008 and 2019 by country were made using t-tests. The subset of data that only includes farms for which there is data for both dates were compared using paired t-tests. Paired t-tests were also used to compare the differences in the components of economic costs and income between 2008 and 2019. ANOVA with Tukey means comparison was used to compare the EBITDA in 2019 of farm typology groupings, and the change in EBITDA 2008–2019 for each group.
Moreover, to further study the determinants of EBITDA a regression analysis is made on EBITDA per hectare, production per hectare, price, and unit costs. OLS with robust standard errors are used to regress each of these variables on altitude, farm area, producer age, certification of coffee (dummy), participation in a producer association (dummy), and survey year (dummy).
The absolute value of EBIDTA from coffee production in 2019 and 2008, and the differences between them were very similar whether calculated using all data from the two surveys, only from farms in the same regions, or only farms in common between the two surveys ( Table 1 ). In Costa Rica the comparison of farms in 2008 and 2019 using all data gave a weakly significant increase in EBIDTA which might have been influenced by the 2008 data covering a wider geographic area than the 2019 data. The values for farms in the same regions and farms in common gave similar absolute values but the slight increase in EBIDTA was no longer significant. In Guatemala all comparisons showed a highly significant decline in EBIDTA with income in 2019 only 30% of that in 2008 ( Table 1 ). For further exploration of the factors that contribute to this difference we have used the comparison between the same farms to ensure changes between the time periods are not influenced by differences between the farms included. This limits the sample size to 69 farms for Costa Rica for each year, and 38 for Guatemala.
Table 1 . EBIDTA - earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation and amortization - (USD per hectare) from coffee production averaged for all farms surveyed in each country in each year, those farms found in the regions in common between the two survey years, and those farms in common between the two surveys.
In 2008 the mean EBITDA from coffee producers in Guatemala was 180% that of Costa Rica, but by 2019 it had fallen to only 40%. This change is due to a large and statistically significant drop in EBITDA in Guatemala (i.e., a drop of 75%) compared to a small and non-statistically significant increase of EBITDA in Costa Rica ( Figure 1A ).
Figure 1 . EBITDA, coffee sales, agronomic costs, production per hectare, price and unit cost for Costa Rica and Guatemala in 2008 and 2019 (same farms; error bars represent 95% confidence intervals).
The contrasting dynamic of EBITDA seems to come from coffee sales falling in Guatemala and rising in Costa Rica, despite the changes being not statistically significant ( Figure 1B ). Costs rose in both countries by similar amounts in absolute and relative terms, which were statistically significant ( Figure 1C ). In Guatemala agronomic costs increased by USD 995 and 66% while in Costa Rica the increase was of USD 1276 and 64%.
Although not significantly, gross income from coffee sales rose in Costa Rica but fell in Guatemala due to changes in coffee prices ( Figure 1E ), while productivity remained unchanged in both countries. Guatemala experienced a statistically significant drop in price of 13.8%, while Costa Rica had a statistically significant increase of 13.6%. Thus, while in 2008 Guatemala farmers obtained $0.082/kg of coffee cherries more than Costa Rican farmers (15.4% difference), by 2019 this had inverted with Costa Rican farmers receiving $0.075/kg of coffee cherries more than Guatemala (14.2% difference). Both agronomic costs per ha and unit costs per kg of coffee increased in both countries with statistical significance and by similar amounts ( Figures 1C , F ). What is different between countries is that Guatemala also experienced an increase in variability of unit and agronomic costs suggesting differing responses among farmers in the country. A deeper understanding of this variability can be found exploring the main components of the total agronomic cost per hectare as presented in Figure 2 .
Figure 2 . Input and labor costs per hectare for Costa Rica and Guatemala in 2008 and 2019 (same farms; error bars represent 95% confidence intervals).
Mean input costs increased in both countries with statistical significance, yet rose considerably more in Guatemala (158%) than Costa Rica (35%) ( Figure 2A ). Moreover, the variability in Guatemala increased sharply, indicating that the increased investment in inputs was not uniform across farms. On the other hand, mean labor costs increased significantly only in Costa Rica by 76%, while variability increased in both countries ( Figure 2B ). This suggests that the increase in agronomic cost in Costa Rica was driven by labor costs, while Guatemala’s increase in levels and variability was mostly driven by input costs.
Further insights can be found exploring the components of the total cost per hectare as presented in Figure 3 .
Figure 3 . Decomposition of total cost per hectare for Costa Rica and Guatemala in 2008 and 2019 (same farms; error bars represent 95% confidence intervals).
Statistically significant increases in mean costs are found for both countries in the establishment of new plantations, the use of fertilization, and the use of pesticides. These increases in means are accompanied by a notable increase in variability, especially in Guatemala. In the case of fertilization in Guatemala, the increase in variability makes the increase statistically significant only at the 10% level of significance. Establishment costs increased by 1,516% in Guatemala and 669% in Costa Rica, fertilizer cost by 123% in Guatemala and 40% in Costa Rica, and pesticide costs by 4,126% in Guatemala and 196% in Costa Rica. Harvest cost also increased, albeit with lower statistical significance, by 53% in Guatemala and 24% in Costa Rica. This may in part be due to a larger percentage increase in production per hectare in Guatemala than Costa Rica, although overall production costs per hectare was higher in Costa Rica than Guatemala ( Figure 1D ). Lastly, in Costa Rica there was a notable increase in manual weed control costs, which while not statistically significant explains the larger increase in labor costs in Costa Rica ( Figure 3C ).
Multiple regression models showed the same differences between survey years in production per hectare, unit cost of production, price, and resulting EBITDA as indicated above ( Table 2 ). Production per hectare was significantly and positively associated with altitude in both countries and with certification in Guatemala but was negatively associated with farmers being part of an association in Guatemala ( Table 2A ). Coffee price was positively associated with altitude and farm size in Costa Rica, and with certification in Guatemala ( Table 2B ). Costs of production of a kilogram of coffee were negatively associated with altitude in Costa. These effects combined led to higher altitude and larger farm size significantly and positively affecting EBIDTA in Costa Rica, and certification significantly and positively affecting EBIDTA in Guatemala. There was a weakly significant negative effect of association on EBIDTA in Guatemala which is likely an effect of the low production per hectare of associated farmers, but it is not possible to determine whether this is because low productivity farmers tend to be members of associations, or being a member of an association somehow leads to lower productivity. It should be noted that in many cases to be certified farmers need to be members of an association (and there is a certain correlation between the two rho = 0.33), but that the variance associated with certification has been allocated as a separate variable.
Table 2 . Influence of farm characteristics on (A) EBITDA and coffee productivity, and (B) coffee price and unit costs of production based on all farms in regions present in both surveys.
The EBIDTA of farms in different typology groups representing different production strategies were significantly different in both countries ( Table 3A ), and thus indicate that the responses described above were not uniform across all farm types. High productivity Medium Shade had the highest EBIDTA in both countries although not statistically different from Medium Productivity Medium Shade in Guatemala. Low Productivity High Shade EBIDTA was not statistically different from Medium Productivity Medium/Low Shade in both countries, but was significantly higher than Very Low Productivity Low Shade in Costa Rica. Differences in EBIDTA between typology groups were closely related to productivity (as productivity was the main factor the groups were based upon). The price received for coffee was similar across typology groups except for Very Low Productivity Low Shade in Costa Rica which received a significantly lower price than Low Productivity High Shade. Unit costs of producing a kilogram of coffee were significantly higher for very low productivity groups in both countries compared to high and medium productivity groups.
Table 3 . Economic performance of coffee farms by typology grouping for (A) all farms in 2019 and (B) change between 2008 and 2019 for those farms in both surveys.
Changes in EBIDTA between 2008 and 2019 were only positive for High and Medium productivity farms in Costa Rica ( Table 3B ). The other typology groups in Costa Rica and all Guatemalan groups in Guatemala had reduced EBIDTA between these two dates. There were no statistically significant differences between typology groups in Guatemala probably due to the small sample size for paired farms. The changes in EBIDTA were again partially related to changes in productivity with high and medium productivity groups in both countries experiencing increases in productivity compared to declines for Low and very low productivity groups (although not statistically significant for medium productivity from those with reduced productivity in Guatemala). All groups in Costa Rica except the very low productivity group had significant increases in price received for coffee, while all the groups in Guatemala experienced declines in price received.
As claimed by other studies (e.g., ICO, 2019 ; Sachs et al., 2019 ) agronomic costs of production per hectare have increased by about 30–60% due to both increases in labor and input costs in both countries, even when costs are dollarized and adjusted for inflation. However, these differences integrate both increased unit costs and increased investment in production. The daily rate for labor increased by 31% (from US$ 5.2 to 6.8/day) in Guatemala and 71% in Costa Rica (from US$ 9.3 to 15.9/day). While the cost of the main fertilizers used decreased by 10–22% in Guatemala and 11–29% in Costa Rica, with very similar costs in the two countries [it should be noted that there was a sharp rise in fertilizer prices in 2008 prior to the economic crash ( Hedebrand and Laborde, 2022 )]. The decrease in unit costs of fertilizer but increase in total fertilizer costs indicates that in both countries farmers increased the rate of fertilization. Although production per hectare on average remained the same in both countries there was high and medium productivity farms increased their productivity while on low and very low productivity farms productivity declined. This may represent two different responses by farmers to increasing costs, one to reduce investment in production and the other to increase investment, especially in fertilizer, to boost production and thus increase income. Analysis by Lalani et al. (2023) found that the high productivity group was the most profitable across a range of input and labor cost scenarios.
Both countries were investing considerably more in establishment of coffee plantations in 2019 than 2008, possibly due to impacts of the coffee rust outbreak in 2013. Furthermore, Guatemalan farms are investing relatively more than their Costa Rican counterparts. This indicates that Guatemalan farms have a larger area of new as yet unproductive coffee, which would reduce farm-level production per hectare of coffee plantation. As this probably only affects a proportion of farms it probably also contributes to the high variability in cost per kilogram produced due to the additional costs from establishment of new plantings being included in some cases.
The positive economic impact of Costa Rican farmers intensifying production appears to contradict conclusions from the systematic review of Jezeer et al. (2017) that lower intensity production systems were more profitable. The economic performance of the production strategies from the typology were analyzed by Lalani et al. (2023) demonstrating that high input but also moderately shaded coffee generated the highest net, but if there was a 50% fall in coffee prices then high input production had the greatest losses. In contrast low-input highly shaded coffee had lower returns under the labor and input cost variations tested but generated the lowest losses if coffee prices crashed. It needs to be assessed whether the higher use of fertilizer by Costa Rican farmers can be sustained with the doubling of fertilizer costs that occurred in 2022 ( Hedebrand & Laborde, 2022 ), which was greater than the 50% increase modeled by Lalani et al. (2023) .
Other factors that appear to support reducing production costs and increasing EBIDTA are higher altitude and larger farm size (both in Costa Rica), and certification in Guatemala. Haggar et al. (2017) also found in Nicaragua that farmers under some certifications achieved a greater EBIDTA than their matched peers. Unfortunately, altitude and farm size are not factors farmers can easily change, and certification requires investment and close alliance with private traders or trading farmer cooperatives. Nevertheless, Wollni and Zeller (2007) found that farmers in Costa Rica do benefit from price differentials associated with specialty markets and that cooperative association was an important means for them to access those markets.
In terms of impact on EBIDTA, the differences in prices received by farmers in Costa Rica and Guatemala probably has the greatest impact. In 2008 farmers in Guatemala reported farm gate prices 10% higher than in Costa Rica, but by 2019 this had substantially reversed. The 2008 differences in the farm gate prices are similar to those reported on the ICO website ( https://www.ico.org/new_historical.asp accessed August 2022), with prices of USD 1.11 vs. USD 1.06 per lb. green coffee in Guatemala and Costa Rica, respectively (note our prices are quoted as USD per kg of coffee cherries), and thus not a sampling effect. Unfortunately no comparable data are available for 2019. Estimates of average export prices taken from the United Nations COMTRADE database ( https://comtrade.un.org/data/ , accessed July 2022) indicate that the average coffee export prices for Guatemala and Costa Rica were USD 2.81 versus USD 3.07 per kilo green coffee in 2008, and USD 3.09 versus USD 4.38 per kilo green coffee in 2019. It should be noted that these prices have not been adjusted for inflation, unlike the prices shown in Figure 3 , if a similar adjustment is made to these prices it would also show a lower inflation-adjusted price in 2019 of USD 2.06 for Guatemala yet still a higher one of USD 3.69 for Costa Rica in agreement with the data used in this study. Thus the farm-gate prices reported to us by farmers correspond to and are likely a result of differences in export prices. The USDA Global Agricultural Information Network annual reports indicate similar export prices for 2019 of USD 3.33–3.66 per kilo for Guatemala and USD 4.35 per kilo for Costa Rica ( https://www.fas.usda.gov/data/costa-rica-coffee-annual-6 , https://www.fas.usda.gov/data/guatemala-coffee-annual-5 ); this against world market prices for “other milds” as reported by ICO ( https://www.ico.org/new_historical.asp accessed August 2022) for 2008 and 2019 of USD 3.07 and USD 2.87 per kilo green coffee. Thus, both countries had managed to improve export prices compared to market trends, though Costa Rica managed to increase its export price differential substantially more during this period.
Nevertheless, production and export of coffee in Costa Rica has declined (from over 2.2 million sacks in early 2000s, to 1.8 million 2011/2012 to just over 1.4 million sacks 2018/19), while in Guatemala it has more or less been maintained fluctuating between 3.2 and 4.0 million sacks between 2000 and 2019 ( https://www.ico.org/new_historical.asp accessed August 2022). Indeed in 2018/19 Guatemala maintained production of about 3.7 million sacks, while Costa Rican production was below average compared to the previous decade. This may have increased prices internally in Costa Rica as exporters competed for coffee to meet their contracts with buyers. The Specialty Coffee Transaction Guide: 2022 ( www.transactionguide.coffee ) developed by researchers from Emory University summarizes contract values for specialty coffee between 2019 and 2022 calculated a median price for Costa Rica of USD 3.65 per pound compared to USD 3.00 for Guatemala, this despite Guatemala having a slightly higher median quality score. It has been noted that Costa Rican producers have invested in many micro-mills to process and sell high quality micro-lots at substantially higher prices, but also maintaining a reputation for environmental and social standards as well as product quality ( USDA, 2022 ). Thus, Costa Rican farmers and their organizations have taken the next step from simply accessing markets that provide specialty prices (as reported by Wollni and Zeller, 2007 ) to now adding further value through micro-processing for direct sales to specialist roasters. As Jacobi et al. (2024) found in Colombia and Bolivia, direct sales of coffee to international buyers or even local markets provide the greatest economic benefits to farmers.
Without doubt increased production costs, and above all labor costs have affected the economics of coffee production in the two countries studied. However, it is notable that while labor costs in Costa Rica are about double that in Guatemala, Costa Rican farmers have been able to maintain their profitability better than Guatemalan farmers. In part this seems to be due to some groups of Costa Rican farmers having achieved higher productivity through higher investment, indeed only high and medium productivity farms had increased EBITDA. However, this investment has been substantially supported by increases in prices received by most Costa Rican farmers, while prices received in Guatemala declined. Indeed, high productivity Guatemalan farmers who invested in increasing productivity did not benefit economically due to the lower price they received for their coffee. Higher prices in Costa Rica have been supported by a reduction in the volume of coffee offered by Costa Rica, but also by higher social and environmental standards, and increases in direct sales and sales of processed coffee. This demonstrates the role of buyers and consumers paying prices that appropriately compensate the costs of production and provide a living income to farmers. Ultimately the higher prices received by Costa Rican farmers is probably what has enabled them to maintain or even increase coffee productivity while paying substantially higher wages compared to other countries in the region such as Guatemala.
The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.
Ethics procedures of the University of Greenwich and the Centro Agronómico Tropical de Investigación y Enseñanza were followed, ensuring prior informed consent of all participants.
BL: Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. FC: Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Supervision, Writing – review & editing. AV: Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Writing – review & editing. JH: Conceptualization, Funding acquisition, Methodology, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing.
The author(s) declare that financial support was received for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article. The 2019/20 data was collected as part of research was funded by the UK Research and Innovation Biotechnology and Biological Sciences Research Council (UKRI/BBSRC), from the Global Challenges Research Fund (GCRF) under the Agri-systems research to enhance rural livelihoods in developing countries programme, grant number BB/S01490X/1. The 2008 data was collected by the EC funded project “CAFNET: Connecting, enhancing and sustaining environmental services and market values of coffee agroforestry in Central America, East Africa and India” EuropeAid/ENV/2006/114-382/TPS.
The study was led by Gabriela Soto and Eduardo Corrales. Both surveys received the institutional support of the National Coffee Association of Guatemala (ANACAFE) and the Institute for Coffee in Costa Rica (ICAFE), as well as the many coffee farmers who gave their time to enable us to conduct this research.
The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.
All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.
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Table A1 . Coffee production strategy according to productivity and shade level as assessed by LAI (Leaf Area Index) ( N = number of farms in the group) [adapted from Haggar et al. (2021) ].
Keywords: agronomic costs, coffee prices, Guatemala, Costa Rica, EBITDA, productivity
Citation: Leiva B, Vargas A, Casanoves F and Haggar J (2024) Changes in the economics of coffee production between 2008 and 2019: a tale of two Central American countries. Front. Sustain. Food Syst . 8:1376051. doi: 10.3389/fsufs.2024.1376051
Received: 24 January 2024; Accepted: 27 June 2024; Published: 10 July 2024.
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Copyright © 2024 Leiva, Vargas, Casanoves and Haggar. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.
*Correspondence: Jeremy Haggar, [email protected]
Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.
Analysis: If you're thinking about giving up caffeine and are wondering what benefits it may have, here's what the research says
By Adam Taylor , Lancaster University
Caffeine is the most consumed psychoactive compound in the world. Even if you don't drink coffee or tea, you probably still regularly consume caffeine since it's found in everything from fizzy drinks and cold remedies to decaf coffee and chocolate .
When caffeine is consumed, it's rapidly absorbed by the body – reaching peak effects within two hours (though it may take up to nine hours to leave your body). It's also water and fat soluble, so it gets into all body tissues , which explains why caffeine can affect many different parts of the body.
It's recommended that adults consume no more than 400mg of caffeine a day (approximately four cups of coffee). More than this may lead to muscle tremors, nausea, headaches, pounding heart and even death (in extreme cases).
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But even people who only consume a couple cups of coffee or tea daily may feel it still has adverse effects – such as irritability, difficulty falling asleep and feeling jittery. This is why a growing number of people are deciding to give up caffeine.
If you're thinking about giving up caffeine and are wondering what benefits it may have, here's what the research says:
Caffeine withdrawal can cause headaches, fatigue and tiredness. This is because the body develops a tolerance to caffeine. Caffeine binds to a receptor in the brain used by adenosine . The binding of caffeine to these receptors causes the body to delay the onset of fatigue . But over time the brain cells produce more adenosine receptors to enable normal adenosine binding to happen.
So, when you stop consuming caffeine, there are excess adenosine receptors to bind to. This allows fatigue and tiredness to kick in as normal, with the person feeling more tired than before.
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Headaches happens as a result of the absence of caffeine. In the head and neck, caffeine causes the blood vessels to narrow, reducing blood flow to the brain. When you stop drinking caffeine, after approximately 24 hours it causes the blood vessels to return to normal , causing an increase in blood flow to the brain and triggering headaches. They may last up to 9 days on average.
And because caffeine binds to adenosine receptors (which also modulate pain) quitting caffeine may temporarily increase your perception and sensitivity to pain because there's more receptors available.
Caffeine really only affects sleep when consumed in the late afternoon and evenings. This is because caffeine delays the release of melatonin (a hormone which makes us tired) by 40 minutes . Caffeine also reduces the overall time you sleep and shortens the period of deep sleep .
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This can increase your tiredness the next day, leading to cycle of using caffeine to wake you up but having trouble sleeping later on as a result. When you stop caffeine, you may find your sleep improves. Some evidence suggests improvements are seen in as little as 12 hours .
Caffeine has also been linked to increased anxiety and panic attacks – and not just in those with a pre-disposition to mental health issues. Reducing or eliminating caffeine may improve your mood. This may partly be because it improves sleep. Sleep deprivation can exacerbate anxiety and other mood disorders .
But the adenosine receptors that caffeine bind to are also involved in the modulation of other neurotransmitters that have a role in stress , happiness and fear .
Reducing or eliminating caffeine might also cure heartburn and indigestion. Caffeine induces acid secretion in the stomach and weakens the oesophageal sphincter, which controls reflux of stomach contents up the oesophagus – triggering heartburn and indigestion.
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Quitting caffeine may also lower your blood pressure and reduce your heart rate – although other studies have shown little change . This is because if someone consumes caffeine daily for many years, their body adapts to the exposure – and it becomes the new norm with its stimulant effects on the nervous system, bowels and heart.
There also appears to be genetic component to caffeine tolerance and metabolism. This could mean some people are more affected by caffeine over others – though more research is needed on this link.
Cutting out caffeine may improve the whiteness of your teeth – not because of caffeine directly, but because tea and coffee contain compounds including tannins that stain teeth .
Sugar in energy drinks can also cause damage to your teeth. Quitting may help protect them. Evidence also suggests caffeinated drinks may reduce the amount of saliva you produce, which normally protects our teeth from damage.
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You may also find that you have an increased sensitivity to the taste of sweet food and drinks after quitting, as caffeine interferes with the tasting of sweet substances .
Caffeine acts on the smooth muscle of the intestines, particularly in the colon, causing them to contract and trigger the urge to poo . Caffeine can also change the consistency of your poo – especially if you drink too much, as caffeine affects water absorption .
Reducing caffeine intake may cause a less frequent urge to poo – and the consistency of your stools may change.
Caffeine also acts as a mild diuretic, causing an increase in urine production . This is because caffeine binds the adenosine receptors in the kidney, which alters how sodium is exchanged, affecting water retention. There's also evidence caffeine is a bladder irritant , which can cause a more frequent urge to urinate. Quitting caffeine may decrease your daily toilet visits.
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As with many things, it's about moderation. But if you're seriously considering removing caffeine from your diet, the best way to do so is gradually. Going "cold turkey" will bring on side effects such as headaches and tiredness which can last two to three weeks.
Adam Taylor is Professor and Director of the Clinical Anatomy Learning Centre at Lancaster University . This article was originally published by The Conversation .
The views expressed here are those of the author and do not represent or reflect the views of RTÉ
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July 9, 2024
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by Jean Christophe Glaszmann, Claire Billot and Claire Lanaud, The Conversation
On March 27, 2024, a study published in the journal Nature announced that the sugarcane genome had at last been cracked. This was a remarkable achievement because of the complexity of the sugarcane's genome. That of rice, the first crop genome to be sequenced, more than 20 years ago, was "simple": 12 chromosomes, two identical copies of each, for a total of 400 million base pairs (Mb) (nitrogen base pairs located on two complementary DNA strands).
Sugarcane is much more complex: the plant, a polyploid , contains more copies of each chromosome than conventional plants. It has 10 times more chromosomes to sequence than rice, each of them longer, for a genome that is 20 times the size. To crack the code, the CIRAD research team came up with the idea of using sorghum as a model, as it is a close cousin from the same family (Graminaceae or grasses) with far less redundancy in its genome.
But why bother studying the genome of crops and their different varieties? The diversity they contain in fact reveals the way in which they have evolved as farmers have selected them in different environments and for various purposes. For instance, rice has evolved through mutations and natural crosses between different forms that appeared around the Himalayas, which were selected each year during its domestication, which began as much as 10,000 years ago. This has resulted in a sufficient number of varieties to guarantee production in a vast range of environments.
Sugarcane, for its part, comes from the islands of Southeast Asia: it is the result of broader genetic mixing, incorporating several related species . This has enabled it to combine resistance to various diseases and incomparable vegetative vigor, making it the plant that is most efficient at producing biomass. It is so tolerant of genetic mixing that all sorts of hybrids can be produced, even intergeneric ones, combining different botanical species.
Understanding how plants have adapted in the past serves to plan and speed up future crop adaptations.
This is what prompted CIRAD to set up a tropical species genome analysis laboratory as long ago as 1986. The laboratory later became the Grand plateau technique régional de génotypage (regional genotyping platform). Its teams produced the first genetic maps and then, thanks to the national genotyping structure, notably the Génoscope , and to various international collaborations, they made the news in the 2010s by placing several tropical plants among the leading biological models, for instance cocoa , banana and citrus .
The list has grown longer in recent years, with arabica coffee , vanilla , and, of course, sugarcane . Progress is currently being made on coconut, rubber, oil palm, yam, groundnut and sorghum, along with fonio, extending the genome range to indigenous plants.
For plants whose varieties intercross easily, this makes it possible to pinpoint sequences associated with important agronomic characters—in the field or as regards processing and consumption. The next step is to favor them in the mixes that breeders—creators of new varieties—make before sorting progenies under growing conditions.
For other species, mixing takes longer, and is more random. It is sometimes punctuated by unlikely, almost miraculous combinations. The scientists have been able to highlight surprise hybridizations that attentive humans had managed to identify: dessert bananas, plantain bananas, oranges, lemons, grapefruit, calamondin and arabica coffee.
To take cocoa as an example, it proved possible to study its genome diversity based on modern genomes and ancient DNA found in shards of pre-Columbian pottery .
Cocoa originated in the Amazon, and was disseminated by humans very early on, probably more than 5000 years ago, as far as the Pacific Coast and central America. Many mixes occurred between populations of very distant genetic origins, which allowed cocoa to adapt to those new environments.
For chocolate fans, that mixing has also enabled the development of new aroma properties, such as those currently found in beans produced by the Criollo and Nacional varieties.
As far as bananas are concerned, genomics results suggested that their domestication began in the New Guinea region, based on hybrids between the banksii, schizocarpa and possibly zebrina groups of the species Musa acuminata.
Those first cultivars were then transported to different regions of Southeast Asia and hybridized with other local sub-species of the genus Musa, resulting in their diversification and in the different types of varieties we now know, which involve up to seven ancestral contributors .
As for citrus species, their genome diversity shows that most of the species grown in modern times result from four founding species. For instance, limes (Citrus latifolia) are the result of natural hybridization between the Mediterranean lemon and the key lime, and involve four ancestral species.
Genomics has shed light on the way in which reproductive cells (gametes) are produced in these complex genomic contexts, and can help to pave the way for breeding disease-resistant rootstocks .
Lastly, arabica coffee is also the result of one of these unlikely cases of hybridization . It fused the genomes of two different species (Coffea canephora and C. eugenioides), but this only ever happened once.
This new cross occurred some 500,000 years ago in Ethiopia and the Arabs chose it to produce coffee as of the 14th century or thereabouts. It brought many properties as a result of the diversity within each plant, but all the plants derived from it are almost identical.
From then on, to continue its adaptation, seeking out other rare events that could broaden that diversity through introgression from other sources, became the priority. Attention is now focusing on localized forms in Ethiopia and Yemen.
All these unlikely events specific to each crop were very beneficial, but are difficult to reproduce. It will not be possible to explore variants in order to create and maintain the diversity required for adaptation until we understand all the details. Certain forms, some of them extremely rare, are the only sources of characters that could be crucially important in future.
CIRAD, in collaboration with INRAE and IRD and in association with international research networks and private structures, conserves and maintains genetic resource collections, in the form of seeds, freeze-dried cells or whole plants, in Montpellier , Corsica , Guadeloupe , French Guiana and Réunion .
These activities are costly, but represent an investment that is essential for the future. By mobilizing the available diversity, in close association with other players—from farmers to research centers—we are preparing the varieties of tomorrow.
Genomic diversity, a key factor in future action, has become a global issue. If we know how to reveal what certain sequences have to offer in terms of biological potential, we can steer their transmission to progenies. It may even be possible to rewrite them by means of genome editing, to transmit desirable biological attributes to existing varieties without having to resort to crossing.
Provided the biotechnical knowledge exists, this genetic improvement method appears limitless , notably by facilitating mixing. As a result, issues surrounding societal choices and intellectual property are now emerging in a knowledge field that is currently a subject for great debate .
First and foremost, this exploration of genome diversity is in response to an environmental challenge, climate change, which necessitates speeding up operations to adapt plants to specific contexts—different growing zones—, both contrasting and fast-changing, in close interaction with producers.
However, it also addresses a societal issue: it is essential to guarantee access to information, to enable everyone to take it on board, adapt their crops and continue to feed themselves in a sustainable way. We are therefore working to broaden access to data and analysis tools, by means of bioinformatics platforms housing dedicated genome databases for each plant. And we are helping to build fairer skillsets by providing training in functional and comparative genomics tools and how to use them, for junior scientists in France and at our partners in the global South.
Journal information: Nature
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Coffee prices will keep rising into 2025, roaster lavazza says.
(Bloomberg) -- Coffee prices will keep rising until the middle of 2025 due to supply shortages in key growers, with European consumers set to pay even more for their caffeine hit as new deforestation regulations kick in.
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Expectations of another production shortfall in Vietnam, the world’s top producer of robusta, is fueling a surge in prices for the bean variety used in blends and espressos, Giuseppe Lavazza, chairman of coffee roaster Luigi Lavazza SpA, said in an interview.
This year’s poor harvest has seen roasters pay as much as $1,000 above futures prices for Vietnam’s beans, he added.
“We’ve never seen something like that in the history of our industry,” Lavazza said. “And what is very special is the long lasting effect of this.”
The futures for the variety have surged about 60% this year, touching a fresh high of $4,667 per ton on Tuesday. Concerns about the next harvest are adding to supply fears after hot and dry weather in parts of Vietnam damaged coffee trees earlier this year.
Brazil’s top growing regions have also faced the brunt of harsh weather, pushing up arabica prices. On Tuesday, futures were trading at a two-year high. Forecasts there have been lowered as some farmers pick smaller-than-usual beans following droughts in late 2023 that hurt crop development.
The higher prices, combined with rising shipping costs due to disruptions in the Suez Canal and a stronger dollar, have seen the Italian roaster’s costs jump more than €800 million ($865 million) in the last two years, Lavazza added.
With the European Union Deforestation Regulation or EUDR kicking in by the end of the year “a lot of players are buying coffee a little bit earlier,” Lavazza said, looking to bypass the requirement to prove their supply chains aren’t linked to land that was deforested after 2020.
“No doubt that the coffee that European roasters are going to buy will cost much more,” he added. “Companies in the coffee industry are facing very strong headwinds.”
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Applicants should have “solid basic knowledge of natural sciences, and basic theories and skills in the field of coffee science and engineering”, according to the university.
A course outline on the university website said the major would cover such subjects as coffee flavour chemistry, processing, quality and safety testing, factory design and environmental protection, world coffee trade, engineering principles, and nutrition and health.
It was the “the first major in the country to offer undergraduate coffee professional talent training”, the university said.
China is the 13th largest coffee producer in the world, though it accounts for only 1.1 per cent of global production, or around 1.8 million 60kg (132lb) bags of coffee a year, according to the US Department of Agriculture.
Around 98 per cent of that coffee is grown in Yunnan province, Chinese-language news site Science Times reported last week.
In 2022, Yunnan had a total of 84,600 hectares (209,000 acres) under cultivation for coffee, and its annual output of 114,000 tonnes of raw coffee beans was valued at 41.8 billion yuan (US$5.7 billion), according to state news agency Xinhua.
“Why was the world’s first coffee major not born in these [southern] places? One of the biggest reasons is that research and development is separated from planting,” Yang said.
Liao Xiugui, a boutique coffee farmer in Yunnan, said the biggest drawback for farmers hoping to expand production was a lack of talent and technology, according to Science Times.
“Only through the professional intervention of education in colleges and universities and the continuous strengthening of the quality training of new coffee farmers can their planting, management, harvesting, processing [and other aspects improve],” Liao said.
While an undergraduate degree in coffee science is something new, China is not the only country offering specialised coffee-related higher education.
In Switzerland, the Zurich University of Applied Sciences offers a certificate of advanced studies in coffee excellence which incorporates the science of coffee into its curriculum.
In the United States, the University of California, Davis opened the country’s first coffee research centre in May. The institution already offered elective courses in coffee, although it does not have a dedicated coffee major.
William Ristenpart, a professor of chemical engineering at UC Davis and the founding director of the UC Davis Coffee Centre, said in a university video that despite coffee being “extraordinarily complex”, it had not been the subject of a lot of academic research.
Ristenpart said that in the past decade or so, researchers had begun thinking about chemical engineering in the context of coffee, which is what they hoped to study at UC Davis.
Meanwhile, Yang said, Yunnan Agricultural University hoped to open up the coffee science and engineering programme to global internships and exchanges.
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2.1. Coffee Consumption Motives The scientific knowledge on motives and preferences of coffee consumption and purchasing behavior is fragmented. Past research focused strongly on a limited number of specific issues, particularly on aspects of sustainability and fair-trade labelling of coffee. Evidence from a recent systematic review of 54 papers on coffee consumer research [ 20] identified the ...
Common foods including white rice and eggs are linked to higher levels of "forever chemicals" in the body, new research from scientists at the Geisel School of Medicine at Dartmouth shows.The researchers also found elevated levels of per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances in people who consumed coffee, red meat, and seafood, based on plasma and breast milk samples of 3,000 pregnant people.
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Coffee is a complex mixture of chemicals that provides significant amounts of chlorogenic acid and caffeine. Unfiltered coffee is a significant source of cafestol and kahweol, which are diterpenes that have been implicated in the cholesterol-raising effects of coffee. The results of epidemiological research suggest that coffee consumption may help prevent several chronic diseases, including ...
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The list has grown longer in recent years, with arabica coffee, vanilla, and, ... in collaboration with INRAE and IRD and in association with international research networks and private ...
Arabica coffee futures are up roughly 30% year to date due to supply chain shortages, while robusta coffee futures, a cheaper alternative used by Starbucks and Nespresso, are up 65% over the past 12 months.
(Bloomberg) -- Coffee prices will keep rising until the middle of 2025 due to supply shortages in key growers, with European consumers set to pay even more for their caffeine hit as new ...
Yunnan Agricultural University is now accepting students into its new undergraduate degree in coffee science and engineering.