essay on beauty of jammu and kashmir

The Unimaginable Beauty of Kashmir

by Mir Saeid | Sep 24, 2020 | Kashmir Diaries , Places & Travel | 2 comments

“If there is a heaven on earth, it is here, it is here, it is here!”- beautifully quoted by Emperor Jahangir on Kashmir back in the 17th century, this quote still holds true almost 4 centuries later. 

Right from its picturesque mountains, dense forests, green meadows, gushing rivers, and lakes to its warm and hospitable people- everything about Kashmir is supremely beautiful. 

From being the royal retreat of the Mughals to being high-up on every traveller’s list, the beauty of Kashmir has stood in its magnificent glory even in the most uncertain times. 

But, what makes Kashmir so unarguably beautiful that innumerable poets, authors, filmmakers, and artists around the world have dedicated their pieces of work to this land of paradise? Let’s find out!

The Unimaginable Beauty of Kashmir: 8 Reasons to prove it

1. picture perfect landscapes:.

Ever been someplace so beautiful that it was hard for you to decide which of its sights was the prettiest? Well, that’s Kashmir for you. With each of its landscapes so breathtaking, it’s hard to not fall in love with the beauty of Kashmir valley. The mighty mountains, tall chinars, pristine lakes and rivers, and nicely manicured gardens are a few of the many things that adorn the Kashmir valley. 

2. A nature lover’s paradise:

Who doesn’t love reveling in nature’s many wonders? The natural beauty of Kashmir is sure to leave you awestruck. Kashmir is abound with rich flora. You will find the magnificently large Chinar tree throughout the valley, a tree not very commonly found everywhere. This stunning color-changing tree is at the peak of its utmost beauty at the onset of autumn, making the already gorgeous Kashmir look like something straight out of a storybook.

Go a little further into the mountains and you’ll find dense forests lined with deodar, fir, pine, and cedar trees. Come spring and the tulips here are in full bloom. The many fields here in Kashmir lined with colorful tulips are sure to make your stop and stare. The lush green and flowery meadows are sure to take your heart away too!

We could go on and on about the resplendent nature of Kashmir, but to experience it for yourself, you must come here at least once.

3. A land of many pristine lakes and rivers:

The land of Kashmir is home to numerous water bodies. There is nothing quite as calming as sitting by a lake or river and just getting lost in nature’s bounty. No matter where you go in Kashmir, you are sure to come across many pristine lakes, glaciers and rivers.

A shikara ride on the Dal lake in Srinagar is a complete experience in itself. Watching the floating gardens and markets will mesmerize you. The Wular lake is yet another famous lake near Srinagar. The Mansar and Surinsar lakes are the perfect places to spend some time relaxing and rejuvenating. Gadsar lake in Sonmarg is a hidden gem that can only be reached through a trek. Similarly, the Mansalbal lake in the Ganderbal district is a bird lover’s paradise. 

Rivers like the Sindh or Indus, Lidder river, Zanskar river, and many others beautify the landscape of Kashmir multi-folds. 

Every lake and river offers an altogether different view and each one is sure to take your breath away.

4. The Lush Valleys:

The untamed and unspoiled valleys of Kashmir have their own charm. Aru Valley and Betaab Valley in Pahalgam, Nubra Valley in Ladakh, Zanskar in Leh, Baltal in Sonmarg, and the Yusmarg valley near Srinagar are some of the top ones here. These verdant valleys are surrounded by mountains and abound with lakes, waterfalls, and numerous trees and meadows. The natural beauty of Kashmir is at its peak here and will astound you in every way.

5. A land with rich culture and history:

The beauty of Kashmir isn’t just limited to its surroundings but is also deeply rooted in its rich culture and history. Over the years, Kashmir has been ruled and loved by various rulers. So, its culture is a diverse blend influenced by various other cultures.

And it is prevalent in the day-to-day life of the Kashmiris. Kashmir’s rich history is prevalent in its various historic monuments like the Pari Mahal, Shalimar Bagh, Avantipur temples, and Leh Palace. These monuments tell a story of an era gone long by and are pretty interesting places, especially for history enthusiasts.

Another thing that is deeply rooted in Kashmiri culture is the art of handicraft making. Kashmir is quite popular for its handicrafts right from the Pashmina shawl, carpets to paper mache and wood carving. When talking about Kashmir’s beauty, we just simply cannot ignore its rich culture and heritage.

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6. Soothing Weather:

Even on the harshest of summer days, Kashmir has pretty soothing weather. So, where temperature rises over 40 degrees celsius in the rest of the country, Kashmir is the perfect place to visit. The early winter is also a great time to visit Kashmir for an incredible snowy experience.

Kashmir basically turns into a wonderland as the winter season sets in. The snow-capped mountains and white surroundings are quite a sight to behold. The autumn season here is quite charming too. As the trees change their colors and the weather turns pleasant, Kashmir in autumn looks as pretty as a picture.

7. There is something for everyone here:

Right from the adventurous soul, the trekking enthusiast, the nature lover, leisure seeker, and every kind of person in-between, the beauty of Kashmir has something to offer to everyone. The adventurous soul can feel the adrenaline rush by taking part in various adventurous activities.

Kashmir is basically a hub for those who love adventure. Whereas, the leisure seeker can just bask in the beauty of the Kashmir valley. Nobody ever leaves the Kashmir valley disappointed. 

8. The warm and friendly people:

The beauty of a place cannot be complete without its warm and friendly locals. And the same goes for Kashmir too. As soon as you set foot on this paradisiacal land, the warm people here will welcome you with open arms. 

We tried to summarize the beauty of Kashmir in 8 points. But you can only experience it for yourself when you visit this magical place. 

The whole of Kashmir is undoubtedly, very beautiful. Here are a few places whose beauty you absolutely must not miss.

Beauty of Kashmir valley in 6 places:

1. srinagar:.

The summer capital of Jammu & Kashmir, Srinagar is a city that you absolutely must visit. This is also the largest city in Kashmir. Dal lake is one of the major reasons why tourists are attracted to this city. Staying on the stationary houseboats, a ride on the Shikara are some of the things that you must do here. This is also a paradise for all photography enthusiasts. 

2. Gulmarg:

Also known as the ‘Meadow of flowers’, Gulmarg is a beautiful place to visit. This place is also known to be one of the best skiing destinations in the world. A ride in the Gondola or the cable car is one of the top things to do here, offering a complete view of this gorgeous hill station.

Gulmarg is a true paradise for all snow lovers and adventure seekers. Nature is also quite splendid here. Gulmarg is generously blessed with a huge variety of flowers, lakes, and lush green surroundings.

3. Sonmarg:

Sonmarg is yet another splendid place to visit in Kashmir. Like the rest of the Kashmir valley, Sonmarg too, is abound with natural beauty. Participate in some adventure sports or just take some time off and marvel at nature’s bounty when in Sonmarg.

4. Pahalgam :

This is THE place to be for all enthusiastic trekkers. From some easy to the most challenging treks, Pahalgam has everything. Pahalgam is also a place that you go to when you are looking for some serenity away from the grind of daily life. With its enchanting beauty that truly looks out of this world, Pahalgam is sure to give you an experience of a lifetime.

Wish to Travel to Kashmir?

5. Yusmarg:

This is one of the offbeat places in Kashmir that you must visit. Head to Yusmarg for some peace and quiet and unwind yourself amidst nature. Come here once and we are sure that you wouldn’t want to leave this extremely serene place.

6. Patnitop:

Picturesque scenery is what defines Patnitop the best. With a plethora of activities to do and numerous sights to behold, Patnitop is one of the best places in Kashmir.

Over to You

Of course, these 6 places are just some of the many amazing places in Kashmir. The mountains, the rivers, the lakes, the trees, the saffron and tulip fields, the valleys- everything about Kashmir is unfathomably beautiful. It is said that the beauty of Kashmir can turn anyone into a poet. And rightly so. With a trip to Kashmir, you are in for a wonderful surprise. It is an experience of a lifetime, a memory to cherish forever.

If you wish to pashmina , salwar kameez , kaftan , kurtis , buy dry fruits , premium quality attar perfumes , himalayan shilajit , organic honey , and kesar , you must visit our shopping page .

You may also like reading:

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Mir Saeid is the Growth Hacker of Kashmirica , a brand that is poised to ‘Bring Exclusives from Kashmir to You’. An enthusiastic cultural entrepreneur, he is driven by a passion to bring about a social impact. He has a Masters in International Business from the University of Bedfordshire and has worked in leading Marketing positions at various SMEs and Startups for 8+ years.

Intrigued by the crafts of his birthplace,  he decided to bring the art on the Global Connoisseur through the internet. A polyglot who speaks English, Arabic, Urdu & Koshur, Mir loves traveling, reading, writing, and spending time on the cricket field – a passion rekindled just recently.

I am impressed by the quality of your blogs. Keep it up.

Thanks a lot, Sir 🙂

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Essay on Jammu and Kashmir- 10 Lines, 100, 500, 1000 Words

Essay on Jammu and Kashmir in English: Embark on a comprehensive journey through the captivating landscape and intricate cultural tapestry of Jammu and Kashmir in this enlightening Essay on Jammu and Kashmir.

Explore the region’s rich history, diverse traditions, and the complex socio-political landscape that defines one of India’s most picturesque yet contested territories. Unveil the beauty of its landscapes, delve into the uniqueness of its arts and crafts, and gain insights into the challenges and aspirations that shape the identity of Jammu and Kashmir.

Table of Contents

Essay on Jammu and Kashmir in English in 10 Lines

“Delve into the diverse tapestry of Jammu and Kashmir in this insightful essay in English , exploring its rich history, cultural heritage, and the complexities that define its unique identity.”

• Jammu and Kashmir, often referred to as “Paradise on Earth,” is a union territory in northern India.
• Renowned for its breathtaking landscapes, it encompasses the snowy peaks of the Himalayas and the scenic Dal Lake.
• The region has a diverse cultural heritage, influenced by Hindu, Muslim, and Buddhist traditions.
• Jammu, known for its temples, serves as a hub for pilgrimage tourism.
• Srinagar, the summer capital, is famous for its houseboats, gardens, and traditional handicrafts.
• The state’s history is complex, marked by geopolitical disputes and conflicts.
• Article 370, granting autonomy, was revoked in 2019, transforming Jammu and Kashmir into a union territory.
• The decision sparked debates over regional autonomy, security concerns, and the future of the region.
• Despite challenges, efforts continue to restore peace and promote economic development.
• Jammu and Kashmir remain a captivating blend of natural beauty, cultural richness, and ongoing socio-political dynamics.

Essay on Jammu and Kashmir in 100 Words – Short Essay

“Explore the multifaceted identity of Jammu and Kashmir in this concise essay, delving into its captivating landscapes, diverse cultural heritage, and the complexities that shape its unique socio-political landscape.”

Jammu and Kashmir, a union territory in northern India, is renowned for its breathtaking landscapes and diverse cultural heritage. The region, often called “Paradise on Earth,” boasts snow-capped Himalayan peaks and the picturesque Dal Lake.

Jammu, a hub of temples, contrasts with Srinagar, the summer capital known for houseboats and traditional crafts. The area’s history is complex, marked by geopolitical disputes and conflicts.

The revocation of Article 370 in 2019 transformed it into a union territory, sparking debates on autonomy and security. Despite challenges, efforts persist to restore peace and foster economic development in this captivating blend of natural beauty and cultural richness.

Essay on Jammu and Kashmir in 500 Words in English

“Embark on a comprehensive exploration of Jammu and Kashmir’s rich history, diverse culture, scenic beauty, and complex geopolitical landscape in this illuminating 500-word Essay on Jammu and Kashmir.”

Jammu and Kashmir, a union territory located in the northern part of India, is a region of immense geographical diversity and cultural richness. Nestled amidst the towering peaks of the Himalayas, this land is often referred to as “Paradise on Earth” for its breathtaking landscapes. The state, before its reorganization in 2019, comprised three distinct regions: Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh.

Jammu, known for its temples and vibrant festivals, reflects a predominantly Hindu cultural influence. The Vaishno Devi shrine, a sacred Hindu pilgrimage site, attracts millions of devotees annually. The region’s topography transitions from the Shivalik foothills to the plains, offering a varied and picturesque landscape.

Kashmir, with its picturesque valleys, lakes, and gardens, is an epitome of natural beauty. Srinagar, the summer capital, is renowned for its houseboats on Dal Lake and Mughal gardens like Shalimar Bagh and Nishat Bagh. The cultural tapestry of Kashmir is a blend of Hindu and Muslim traditions, evident in its handicrafts, traditional attire, and festivals.

Ladakh, the eastern part of the region, is a high-altitude desert known for its stark beauty and Buddhist monasteries. The monastic festivals, such as Hemis Festival, offer a glimpse into Ladakh’s rich cultural heritage. The region’s strategic importance is highlighted by its proximity to the borders of China and Pakistan.

The history of Jammu and Kashmir is marked by complexity, geopolitical significance, and territorial disputes. During the partition of British India in 1947, the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir acceded to India, leading to conflicts with Pakistan. The Line of Control, established after several wars between India and Pakistan, divides the region into areas administered by both nations.

In 2019, the Indian government undertook a historic decision by abrogating Article 370, which granted special autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir. This move transformed the state into two separate union territories: Jammu and Kashmir, and Ladakh. The decision was met with varied reactions, sparking discussions on regional autonomy, security concerns, and the political future of the region.

Challenges faced by Jammu and Kashmir include security concerns, economic development, and political stability. Insurgency and conflict have impacted the lives of the residents, necessitating efforts for lasting peace and reconciliation. The tourism potential of the region, with its natural beauty and cultural heritage, remains immense. Sustainable tourism initiatives aim to showcase the region’s splendor while preserving its ecological and cultural integrity.

The cultural heritage of Jammu and Kashmir is reflected in its traditional arts and crafts. Pashmina shawls, Kashmiri carpets, and intricate handicrafts are not only economic contributors but also symbols of the region’s artistic prowess. Efforts to promote these crafts globally contribute to the local economy.

Ongoing reconciliation efforts include dialogue, economic development, and outreach programs to address grievances and foster inclusivity among the diverse communities. Despite the challenges, the people of Jammu and Kashmir aspire to see their homeland thrive in peace, prosperity, and cultural harmony, embodying the true essence of the “Paradise on Earth.” The region remains an integral part of India’s narrative, blending a complex history with an enduring spirit for a brighter future.

1000 Words Essay on Jammu and Kashmir

“Embark on an extensive exploration of Jammu and Kashmir’s multifaceted identity, encompassing its rich history, cultural diversity, geographical splendor, and the socio-political dynamics that have shaped this captivating region, in this enlightening 1000-word essay.”

Introduction: A Land of Enchanting Diversity

Jammu and Kashmir, often referred to as the “Crown of India,” is a region of unparalleled beauty and complexity. Nestled in the northernmost part of the country, this union territory is characterized by breathtaking landscapes, rich cultural diversity, and a history marked by geopolitical intricacies.

Geography and Landscape – Nature’s Masterpiece

The geographical diversity of Jammu and Kashmir is a testament to nature’s grandeur. From the snow-capped peaks of the Himalayas to the serene valleys and pristine lakes, the region is a visual spectacle. The iconic Dal Lake in Srinagar, surrounded by houseboats and Mughal gardens, epitomizes the region’s picturesque charm.

Cultural Tapestry – A Melting Pot of Traditions

Jammu and Kashmir’s cultural fabric is woven with threads from Hindu, Muslim, and Buddhist traditions. The coexistence of diverse communities contributes to a rich and harmonious cultural mosaic. The vibrant Hindu influence in Jammu, the Kashmiri Muslim traditions in Srinagar, and the Buddhist heritage in Ladakh collectively create a cultural tapestry unique to the region.

Historical Significance – Complex Narratives

The history of Jammu and Kashmir is a complex narrative shaped by a confluence of events. The princely state’s accession to India post-independence sparked territorial disputes with Pakistan, leading to wars and conflicts. The Line of Control, established after Indo-Pak wars, delineates areas administered by the two nations, adding another layer of complexity to the historical context.

Article 370 and Change in Status – A Historic Transformation

In 2019, a historic decision reverberated through the region when the Indian government abrogated Article 370, thereby revoking Jammu and Kashmir’s special autonomy. The move was accompanied by the bifurcation of the state into two union territories: Jammu and Kashmir, and Ladakh. This decision stirred debates on regional autonomy, security concerns, and the political trajectory of the region.

Challenges and Aspirations – Navigating Complex Realities

Jammu and Kashmir faces an array of challenges encompassing security concerns, economic development, and political stability. The region has witnessed conflicts and insurgency, impacting the lives of its residents. Ongoing efforts seek to address these challenges, with a focus on restoring peace, promoting tourism, and fostering economic growth.

Cultural Heritage and Handicrafts – Artistry Beyond Boundaries

The region’s cultural heritage finds expression in its traditional arts and crafts. Pashmina shawls, Kashmiri carpets, and intricate handicrafts not only reflect the artistic prowess of the region but also contribute significantly to the local economy. These crafts serve as cultural ambassadors, attracting admirers from around the world.

Tourism Potential – Beyond the Obvious

Jammu and Kashmir’s tourism potential is immense, drawing visitors with its natural beauty, historical sites, and cultural richness. Sustainable tourism initiatives aim to showcase the region’s splendor while preserving its ecological and cultural integrity. Despite the challenges, the allure of the region remains undiminished.

Ongoing Reconciliation Efforts – Nurturing Peaceful Coexistence

Reconciliation efforts play a pivotal role in the region’s journey toward lasting peace. Dialogue, economic development, and outreach programs seek to address grievances and foster a sense of inclusivity and belonging among the diverse communities that call Jammu and Kashmir home.

Conclusion: Jammu and Kashmir – Balancing Beauty and Complexity

In conclusion, Essay on Jammu and Kashmir emerges as a region that seamlessly balances its enchanting natural beauty with the complexities of its historical, cultural, and political landscape. From the towering peaks of the Himalayas to the shores of Dal Lake, every facet of the region tells a story of resilience, diversity, and an enduring spirit that navigates through challenges to carve a path toward a brighter future. The region, with its multifaceted identity, remains an integral part of India’s narrative, inviting exploration, understanding, and an appreciation for the delicate dance between beauty and complexity.

The Essay on Jammu and Kashmir delves into Jammu and Kashmir’s captivating blend of natural splendor, cultural richness, and geopolitical intricacies. From the Himalayan peaks to the serene Dal Lake, the region’s beauty intertwines with a complex history and diverse traditions.

As Jammu and Kashmir navigates challenges and aspirations, it stands as a testament to resilience. The multifaceted tapestry of this union territory invites exploration, fostering an appreciation for its unique identity in the vast landscape of India.

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Student Essays

Essay on Kashmir | Beauty of Kashmir Essay

This simple essay talks about the Kashmir, its beautiful land and places, Why Kashmir is beautiful? Challenges to the beauty of Kashmir, Why everyone should go and explore it. This essay is written in simple English and in easy words for children and students.

Essay on Kashmir | My Beautiful Kashmir Essay

If ever one wishes to have un forgetful traveling and tour experience, he must visit Kashmir. It is blessed with scenic beauty and natural grace. The tourists from all over the world come Kashmir to spend their vacations amidst snow capped mountains, gushing streams and green meadows.

Beauty of Kashmir:

Kashmir is one of the most beautiful places on Earth. It is situated in the northernmost part of India and is surrounded by snow-capped mountains, pristine lakes, and lush green valleys. Kashmir is a paradise for nature lovers and adventure seekers alike.

The beauty of Kashmir has been captured in many movies and songs over the years. Bollywood movies like Dilwale Dulhania Le Jayenge and Jab Tak Hai Jaan have showcased the stunning scenery of Kashmir to the world. Songs like ‘Chalte Chalte’, ‘Ye Jo Des Hai Tera’, and ‘Bowri Mein Koyal Boli’ are just a few examples of the many songs that have been inspired by the beauty of Kashmir.

Despite being one of the most beautiful places on Earth, Kashmir is also fraught with challenges. The decades-long conflict between India and Pakistan has taken a toll on the people of Kashmir. There have been frequent incidents of violence and unrest in the region, which has deterred many tourists from visiting Kashmir.

However, the beauty of Kashmir is undeniable and it is slowly but surely regaining its status as a popular tourist destination. If you have the opportunity to visit Kashmir, don’t hesitate – it truly is a place like no other.

Why Kashmir is beautiful?

Kashmir is considered as one of the most beautiful places on Earth because of its stunning scenery. The snow-capped mountains, pristine lakes, and lush green valleys make it a paradise for nature lovers. Additionally, the region has been captured in many movies and songs over the years, which has helped to showcase its beauty to the world.

Challenges to the Beauty of Kashmir

The decades-long conflict between India and Pakistan has taken a toll on the people of Kashmir. There have been frequent incidents of violence and unrest in the region, which has deterred many tourists from visiting Kashmir. Additionally, the Indian government has imposed a number of restrictions on travel to Kashmir, which has made it difficult for people to get there.

Reasons why we should visit Kashmir:

There are hell of reasons as to why you should go to visit kashmir. Firstly, it is considered as one of the most beautiful places on Earth. The snow-capped mountains, pristine lakes, and lush green valleys make it a paradise for nature lovers. Secondly, kashmir has been captured in many movies and songs over the years, which has helped to showcase its beauty to the world. Thirdly, despite being fraught with challenges, Kashmir is slowly regaining its acclaimed position as one the beautiful place like paradise on earth.

>>>>> Related Post:  “ Essay on My Favorite Color White “

Therefore, for a traveler and tourist, I believe, Kashmir is the place of joy and peace. In spite of the challenges, the natural beauty of Kashmir is undeniable and it is a worth visiting place for everyone at least once in their lifetime.

Essay on Kashmir Issue:

The Kashmir issue has been a long-standing dispute between India and Pakistan since their independence in 1947. It revolves around the region of Kashmir, which is located in the northern part of the Indian subcontinent. The conflict originated from the partition of British India into two countries, India and Pakistan, based on religious demographics.

Kashmir was a princely state at that time, with a predominantly Muslim population ruled by a Hindu ruler. Both India and Pakistan claimed Kashmir as part of their territory, leading to the first Indo-Pakistani war in 1947-48.

The United Nations intervened and declared that Kashmir’s fate should be decided by a plebiscite. However, this never took place due to various reasons, including political conflicts, military tensions, and the unwillingness of both countries to cede control over the region.

The Kashmir issue has resulted in three major wars between India and Pakistan in 1947-48, 1965, and 1971. In addition to these conflicts, there have been numerous border skirmishes and cross-border terrorism incidents. The dispute has also led to the militarization of the region, with both countries stationing a large number of troops in Kashmir.

The conflict has not only affected India and Pakistan but also the people living in Kashmir. The residents of Kashmir have been caught in the crossfire, facing human rights abuses, violence, and displacement. They have been denied basic freedoms and have lived under constant fear and uncertainty.

Several attempts have been made to resolve the Kashmir issue, including bilateral talks between India and Pakistan and international mediation efforts. However, none have been successful in finding a lasting solution.

The Kashmir issue is not just a territorial dispute between two countries but also a humanitarian crisis that has impacted the lives of millions. It has caused economic instability, hindered development, and prevented peace and stability in the region.

In conclusion, the Kashmir issue remains a complex and contentious problem that requires sincere efforts from both India and Pakistan to find a peaceful resolution. It is crucial for the two countries to move away from their differences and work towards creating an environment of trust and cooperation. Only then can the long-standing conflict over Kashmir be resolved, bringing much-needed peace and stability to the region.

Short Essay on Kashmir Issue:

The Kashmir issue is an ongoing and complex dispute between India, Pakistan, and the people of the Kashmir region. It dates back to 1947 when India gained independence from British rule and was partitioned into two countries – India and Pakistan. The princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, with a Muslim majority population, was given a choice to join either country or remain independent. However, the ruler of Kashmir signed an instrument of accession to join India, leading to a conflict between India and Pakistan.

Since then, both countries have fought three wars over Kashmir, with no clear resolution in sight. The issue has also resulted in numerous human rights violations and atrocities against the people of Kashmir. The Indian government has imposed strict curfews, media black outs, and arrested political leaders in an attempt to suppress the Kashmiri resistance movement.

The main reason behind the dispute is the conflicting claims of India and Pakistan over the territory of Kashmir. Both countries claim sovereignty over the entire region, leading to a military standoff and constant tensions between them. The problem has also been exacerbated by the fact that China controls a portion of Kashmir, further complicating the issue.

In recent years, there have been attempts by both India and Pakistan to resolve the Kashmir issue through diplomatic means. However, no significant progress has been made so far due to deep-rooted mistrust and political differences between the two countries.

The Kashmiri people have been at the center of this conflict for decades, with their voices often being ignored in the discussions between India and Pakistan. The ongoing dispute has resulted in a high number of casualties and displacement of Kashmiri citizens, causing immense suffering to the local population.

It is crucial for both India and Pakistan to find a peaceful resolution to this long-standing issue, taking into consideration the wishes and aspirations of the people of Kashmir. Only through dialogue and mutual understanding can a lasting solution be reached, allowing the people of Kashmir to live in peace and prosperity. The international community also has a responsibility to support and facilitate this process, as it is essential for the stability and security of the region.

Thus, it is imperative for all parties involved to work towards finding a resolution that respects the rights and aspirations of the people of Kashmir, ultimately leading to a sustainable and peaceful future for the region. Overall, the Kashmir issue remains a critical challenge that needs to be addressed with urgency and sincerity by all stakeholders involved.

Essay on Kashmir Beauty:

Kashmir is a beautiful state located in the northern region of India. It is known for its breathtaking natural beauty and rich cultural heritage. The state is surrounded by the snow-capped Himalayan mountains, lush green valleys, and sparkling blue lakes.

One of the most popular tourist destinations in Kashmir is the picturesque Dal Lake. It is famous for its serene waters and floating gardens. Tourists can take a Shikara boat ride to explore the lake and its surroundings, which are dotted with charming houseboats.

Kashmir is also home to some of the highest mountain peaks in India, including Mount K2 and Nanga Parbat. These peaks attract adventure enthusiasts from all around the world who come here for trekking and mountaineering expeditions.

The state is also known for its rich cultural heritage and handicrafts. The traditional Kashmiri hand-woven carpets, shawls, and paper products are renowned worldwide for their intricate designs and fine craftsmanship.

Apart from its natural beauty and cultural attractions, Kashmir also offers a wide range of adventure activities such as skiing, river rafting, paragliding, and camping. The lush green meadows and snow-covered mountains provide the perfect backdrop for these activities.

In conclusion, Kashmir is truly a paradise on earth with its stunning landscapes, rich cultural heritage, and exciting adventures. It is a must-visit destination for anyone seeking to experience nature’s beauty at its best.

Essay on Kashmir Day:

Kashmir is a stunningly beautiful region located in the northern part of the Indian subcontinent. It is often referred to as “paradise on earth” due to its breathtaking landscape, snow-capped mountains, and serene lakes. However, this picturesque region has been at the center of a long-standing conflict between India and Pakistan.

Kashmir Day, observed on February 5th each year, is a national holiday in Pakistan to show solidarity with the people of Kashmir and highlight their struggle for self-determination.

The Kashmir conflict dates back to the partition of India in 1947 when the British Empire divided the subcontinent into two nations – India and Pakistan. The princely state of Jammu and Kashmir was ruled by a Hindu Maharaja, but its population was predominantly Muslim. The people of Kashmir wanted to join Pakistan, which led to a war between India and Pakistan.

The United Nations intervened and brokered a ceasefire in 1949, creating a Line of Control (LoC) that divides Kashmir into Indian-administered and Pakistani-administered territories. However, both countries have claimed the entire region and have fought three wars over it since then.

The Kashmiri people, who have been caught in the crossfire of this conflict, have suffered immensely. They have faced violence, displacement, and human rights abuses from both Indian security forces and militant groups operating in the region. The situation has only worsened with time as political tensions between India and Pakistan continue to escalate.

On Kashmir Day, Pakistanis hold rallies, seminars, and conferences to express their support for the Kashmiri people. The day is also marked with public speeches, prayers for peace, and vigils to honor those who have lost their lives in this ongoing conflict.

However, the issue of Kashmir goes beyond just being a territorial dispute between two nations. It is about fighting for the rights and freedoms of the Kashmiri people who have been denied their right to self-determination. It is about acknowledging the suffering and struggles of a people who have been caught in a decades-long conflict.

On this day, it is important for us to not only show our support for the Kashmiri people but also to raise awareness about their plight. As citizens of the world, we must join hands to call for a peaceful resolution to the Kashmir conflict and urge both India and Pakistan to engage in meaningful dialogue.

Kashmir Day serves as a reminder that peace and stability in the South Asian region cannot be achieved until the issue of Kashmir is resolved. It is only through mutual understanding and cooperation that a lasting solution can be found for this long-standing dispute. Let us hope that one day, the people of Kashmir will finally be able to live in a land free from conflict and turmoil.

In conclusion, Kashmir Day is not only a reminder of the ongoing struggle for self-determination but also an opportunity to raise our voices in support of those who have been silenced for far too long. As we observe this day, let us remember the beautiful land of Kashmir and its people who deserve peace, justice, and freedom.

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Tourism in Jammu and Kashmir Essay

Tourism today has become one of the largest and fastest growing industries of the world: India is one of the world’s most exciting and attractive tourist resorts. There are several reasons for it. First, she is famous for her scenic beauty. Nature has been kind to her. Secondly, India’s architecture, sculpture and great monuments are the finest creation known to the civilised man.

Kashmir is the paradise of tourists: Its scenic beauty and salubrious climate have given it the aptitude of “ Tourists Paradise. ” With its lakes and mountains, its luxurious chinars and tall slender poplars, delicious fruits ancient monuments, its placid rivers and murmuring streams swarming with Himalayan trout, and a host of innumerable natural attractions Kashmir, as G.T. Vigne prophesied in 1885, has become the sine qua non of the traveller to the East.

The clear cool water, the gentle breezes, the genial sun-shine, the bubbling springs, the freshwater lakes and snow-capped mountains of Kashmir are very charming, indeed. While praising the beauty of Kashmir a poet has aptly remarked:

Tell me what land can boast of such treasures Is aught so fair is aught so sweet? Hail I Paradise of endless pleasure!” Hail! Beautiful and beloved Kashmir.

The valley of Kashmir has different attractions for different people: It is a pleasure garden for lovers, a playground for sportsmen, an ideal health resort for the sick and a haven of rest and repose for the worried and weary souls. To a poet, its enchanting sights and sounds are a source of joy and inspiration.

To a scholar, its rich folklore and ancient manuscripts promise a world of delight. To a gay, young couple it is an ideal holiday. resort where they can enjoy themselves in luxuriously decorated houseboats or sit under chinar trees. eat cherries and talk of love.

To an artist, it is a land of enchanting colourful scenes which never were on sea or land. To a student of geology, there is a vast field of exploration of rocks and minerals while to students of culture it is the meeting ground of various races and civilizations.

Kashmir has another charm as a holiday resort: In addition to its variety of fruits and flowers, scenes and sights, the choice of varied climate that its hills and meadows offer, there are several opportunities for games and sports.

One can do boating, skiing, skating, mountaineering, horse riding Etc. One can indulge in fishing, hunting wild animals, catching birds, shooting ducks and other kinds of sports.

There are many beauty spots of Kashmir that attract tourists from far-flung places : Pahalgam and Gulmarg are among the finest of them all. The latter is the valley of roses and the tourism department has built up two golf courses of a high standard for the recreation of game lovers. The place is ideal for skiing and trekking.

The Jammu and Kashmir Government Tourist Department extends all kinds of facilities to tourists: It has opened its branches at various important stations to supply information and give help to those who intend planning a holiday in Kashmir. Besides those branches, there are innumerable Tourist Agencies in Kashmir which cater to the needs of visitors.

The tourist trade is an important factor in the economy of Jammu and Kashmir : As many as four lakh tourists pay a visit to the valley every year. The tourist season commences in April-May and continues up to October. Some Europeans come in winter to enjoy the beauty of snowfall and such winter sports like skating and skiing at Gulmarg which is the queen of hill stations in Asia.

Ameni ties to tourists have been considerably extended now. A net work of well equipped dak bungalows and tourist huts has been laid out throughout the Valley. A Tourist Reception Centre has been set up for looking after the over all needs of the tourists.

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V eteran civil rights activist and journalist Gautam Navlakha, who surrendered before National Intelligence Agency (NIA) in New Delhi on April 14 following a Supreme Court order on the Bhima-Koregaon case , has had a long and deep engagement with Kashmir.

As an activist and journalist, Navlakha has visited and worked in Kashmir for decades. Anyone who knows him in Kashmir knows how he’s always spoken out, and written about, their political and human rights. He’s also produced a body of work documenting the changing political situation and rights violations in Kashmir over the years. He’s also written extensively on the impact of heavy militarization on the economy and on the lives of people in Kashmir. Navlakha has equally been a part of many ground-breaking, fact-finding delegations and reports on Jammu and Kashmir, some of which are not available online.

While his writings on Kashmir largely focus on state violence and militarization in the region, his writings on the Maoist insurgency focus on both the sociology and organization of insurgency itself.

About a decade ago, I remember Navlakha speaking in a civil society seminar in Srinagar. The pain in his voice showed a rare concern and deep empathy for the struggles of people in Kashmir.

He also spoke about how it’s probably the only movement where so many people have suffered so much and over many decades without achieving anything substantial in return.

“I can’t understand why Kashmir doesn’t get anything concrete despite all the sacrifices people have made here over decades,” he said, wanting the people to also think about protecting their lives while also resisting abusive power. “You ask any sacrifice and people have made it here. You deserve a better future now.”

I’m reminded of what Belarusian writer Svetlana Alexievich, who was awarded the 2015 Nobel Prize in Literature, said in her moving Nobel Lecture which also sums up the sense of loss and pain in Kashmir.

“Suffering is our capital, our natural resource,” she said. “Not oil or gas – but suffering. It is the only thing we are able to produce consistently. I’m always looking for the answer: why doesn’t our suffering convert into freedom?”

Here’s a list of 10 essays by Gautam Navlakha on Kashmir, with short excerpts and online links to full essays, which were published in different publications, many of them in the reputed Economic and Political Weekly, dating back to the early 1990s.

10 Must-Read Essays on Kashmir by Gautam Navlakha

“Bharat’s Kashmir War” by Gautam Navlakha (EPW, December 21, 1991)

This paper attempts to clarify the Kashmir imbroglio by investigating its genesis in the context of the Indian state’s responses.

“In most Indian writings, however, the characterisation of the movement in Kashmir as communal and fundamentalist proceeds from the argument that the Kashmiri Pandits are being hounded out of Kashmir and since they do not share the desire for referendum the demand cannot be ‘nationalist’ since nationalism is a secular identity. The contrary is however true. Nationalism is not the opposite of religious identity. The point of commonality is not just the religious zeal.”

Bharat’s Kashmir War In the last two years a lot has been written on Kashmir. But arguments on all sides have been more in the nature of assertions rather than informed reasoning. J…

“Kashmir: At the Edge of the Possible” by Gautam Navlakha (Economic and Political Weekly, September 17, 1994)

“…since the Indian army cannot defeat militancy and because the government is not trying hard enough for a political solution, not even when political openings come its way, and with involvement of international agencies being increasingly perceived as the only way in which the Indian government can be dissuaded from persisting with its militaristic response to what has been and remains a political problem, the prospect of peace without the association of Hurriyet to work out the framework and modality of a referendum remains remote.”

Kashmir At the Edge of the Possible Kashmir: At the Edge of the Possible Gautam Navlakha The emergence of the militant organisation Harkatul Ansar holds the prospect of mindless violence of a kind one sees in Afghanistan, but the blame for this must rest squarely on the government, on its total lack of foresight.

“India Turns Clock Back” Back by Gautam Navlakha (EPW, May 22, 1993)

“It needs reiteration that chauvinism and anti-Muslim prejudice all over India found sustenance in lies about destruction of temples in Kashmir or in ignorance of the facts of Kashmiri Pandit migration from the valley which actually accelerated after Jagmohan took over in January 1990. This should act as a reminder that if the policy of attrition is not controlled back, the consequences point in the direction of a xenophobic build-up which will pave the way eventually for ‘demo-graphic Indianisation’.”

KASHMIR- India Turns Clock Back The decision to impose army rule in Kashmir, in effect if not formally, represents a tragic turn of policy, as much for India as for the people of Kashmir. Step by step the government has been moving in precisely the direction which the BJP and the Hindu chauvinists have been urging it to take.

“Chrar-e-Sharief: Victory for Hardliners on Both Sides” by Gautam Navlakha (EPW, May 20, 1995)

“On May 9, the day before the destruction of Chrar-e-Sharief, the right and left in parliament unitedly condemned the government for ‘kneeling’ before the militants. Not a word was said about the Kashmiri people’s alienation and the violence perpetrated against them. Indeed there was not even the usual vacuous talk of the political process.”

Chrar-e-Sharief-Victory for Hardliners on Both Sides The government’s version of the hunting of Chrar-e-Sharief and the events leading up to it are full of holes, but more important is it that the destruction of the shrine has dealt a blow to the efforts of Kashmiri leaders such as Shabir Shah and Yasin Malik who Have been working courageously to bring the gun under control in Kashmir.

“It’s Never Too Late to Do the Right Thing” by Gautam Navlakha (EPW, July 29, 2000)  

“History teaches that people are not mere spectators who cannot influence the course of events. When successive governments failed the citizens by dividing the people, then it would be a mistake to leave every-thing to the discretion of the government. It is for us to fight for a just and honourable peace. Irrespective of what the government or militant leadership do in J&K, actions of solidarity can also stem the tide of communal polarisation. But before everything else we must welcome and lend unqualified support to the Kashmiris because it is the inalienable right of all of us to revolt against oppression to defend our dignity and freedom. It is only then our concerns will acquire meaning, and be taken seriously. To the extent people make their own histories the choice is ours.”

Kashmir : It’s Never Too Late to Do the Right Thing An obsession with territorial integrity has undermined the singular importance of the politics of solidarity, preventing an appreciation of the ground realities in Kashmir. The government’s current offer to hold unconditional talks with the militant leadership, while commendable, cannot succeed unless there is a recognition of the urgent need to begin the long process of gaining the confidence of the Kashmiris.

State of Jammu and Kashmir’s Economy” by Gautam Navlakha (EPW, October 6, 2007)  

“The Economic Survey for J&K does show how despite the disruptions and privations caused by war, economic performance has improved. Quite apart from sweeping statements about employment in horticulture and the importance of tourism, it does, however, skirt the fact that without addressing the issue of occupation of land by troops and restrictions placed on the use of water resources, both intricately linked to a political solution, problems will remain in the path of realising the full economic potential of the state.”

State of Jammu and Kashmir’s Economy The 2006-07 Economic Survey for Jammu and Kashmir reveals that despite the privations of conflict, the performance of the economy has improved in recent years. However, unless the two political issues of occupation of land and restrictions on the use of the state’s water resources are removed, the full economic potential of the state will not be realised.

“Doctrine for Sub-conventional Operations: A Critique” (Economic and Political Weekly, April 13, 2007)

In late 2006, the Indian army released its first ever doctrine on sub-conventional operations, i e, internal operations. This article critiques the document. “It is worth nothing what the Army Chief told the students of Sainik School in Thiruvananthapuram on February 17, 2007. According to him, the army’s fight is against the “divisive forces” and “our cause is just” and “we fight to win”. Win in this context means to suppress people.”

Doctrine for Sub-Conventional Operations: A Critique on JSTOR In late 2006, the Indian army released its first ever doctrine on sub-conventional operations, i e, internal operations. This article critiques the document.

“Kashmir: State Cultivation of the Amarnath Yatra” by Gautam Navlakha (Monthly Review, Aug 08, 2008)

“Arguably, when the yatra was halted between 1991 and 1996 due to the threat by a section of the militants it played into the hands of the extreme right wing elements in Indian society who have since then played an integral role in mobilising large numbers of pilgrims. However, it is equally important to note that earlier, schoolchildren and college youth used to act as volunteers and provide assistance to the yatris. Even when this was discontinued after 1996, the main indigenous militant organisation the Hizbul Mujahideen and Muslim Janbaz Force always supported the yatra and consistently demonstrated its opposition towards those who tried to disrupt it. And even today there is no section of people who opposes the yatra. What they resent is the horrendously jingoistic turn that it has taken under the SASB.”

MR Online | Kashmir: State Cultivation of the Amarnath Yatra The origins of the conflagration in June in Kashmir on forest land allocation for construction of facilities for the Amarnath yatra lie in open state promotion of the pilgrimage. The yatra has caused considerable damage to the economy and ecology of the area. The high-handed actions of the Shri Amarnath Shrine Board only aggravated the situation.

“From the Killing Fields of Kashmir to the Finishing Line” by Gautam Navlakha (Sanhati, October 10, 2010)

“Truth and demand for justice are on the side of the Kashmiri people. It would be a sad day were these battles won after so much of sacrifice,  is allowed to be squandered for illusory gains at the behest of mealy-mouthed Indian ruling classes. There can be no replacement for right of self-determination. It is in Indian people’s interest, for our own democratic struggle, that we stand by this demand of the Kashmiri people. Defeat of oppressors in Kashmir, unlike the doomsayers, will strengthen our struggle.”

From the Killing Fields of Kashmir to the Finishing Line By Gautam Navlakha Where armed conflicts have gone on for a long period (decades) and where negotiations have been used by the State to win time or tire out opponents, or talks are deadlocked or cannot ensure compliance with whatever solution is reached, then making a reference to the people is the most sensible way […]

“The Kashmir Question: Nation-state, War, and Religion” by Gautam Navlakha (Indian Cultural Forum, Feb 2018)

“India’s working people cannot emancipate selves if they do not come out strongly against the persecution of the Kashmiri people at the hand of the same bourgeoisie nation-state which exploits and oppresses Indian people in general. While the Indian public may not influence external developments vis a vis Pakistan or China, they certainly can affect domestic perceptions and transform the terms of debate. Therefore, it matters how India’s progressives steer their political course and whether they can provide an alternate perspective on Kashmir to counter the myopic official discourse. It needs no reiteration that it is “never too late to do the right thing.”

The Kashmir Question: Nation-State, War and Religion – Gautam Navlakha Gautam Navlakha

Relevant Links

‘My Hope Rests on a Speedy and Fair Trial’: Gautam Navlakha Before His Surrender The Supreme Court recently rejected the bail applications of scholar and activist Gautam Navlakha, who was booked under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, or UAPA for allegedly fomenting violence during during the Bhima Koregaon event. The top court gave him and scholar Anand Teltumbde one week to surrender.

India Covid-19: SC Decision To Send HRDs Gautam Navlakha And Anand Teltumbde To Jail Is Cruel And Disappointing – Amnesty International India Amnesty International India Bangalore / New Delhi: 10 April 2020 12:39 pm Amid the spread of COVID-19, the Supreme Court of India’s order directing the arrest and imprisonment of two human rights defenders, Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha within a week, is disappointing.

Why is India targeting writers during the coronavirus pandemic? | Priyamvada Gopal and Salil Tripathi As a lethal virus scorches its way across continents, the leftwing Indian rights campaigner Gautam Navlakha has been reminding us of the words of Leonard Cohen, urging people to speak up for the right things: “There is a crack/a crack in everything, that’s how light gets in.”

‘New Low in India’s Political History’: PUDR Condemns Anand Teltumbde, Gautam Navlakha’s Arrests New Delhi: Condemning the arrest of social activists and intellectuals Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha on Tuesday, the People’s Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR) said that this “attempt to browbeat rights activists” marked a “deep and scathing new low in the political history of contemporary India”.

India: Activists Detained for Peaceful Dissent (New York) – Indian authorities on April 14, 2020 detained two rights activists who have been critics of government policies, Human Rights Watch said today. The government should immediately drop all charges under a counterterrorism law against Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha for allegedly inciting caste-based violence along with other activists during a demonstration in Maharashtra state in 2017.

Mounting international concern over detention of civil rights activists in India in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic Over 5,000 Individuals and 15 Organizations Sign Global Statement of Support for Dr. Anand Teltumbde and Mr. Gautam Navlakha On 16 March 2020, a Supreme Court bench comprising the judges Arun Mishra and Mukeshkumar Rasikbhai Shah rejected the anticipatory bail pleas of the civil-rights activist Gautam Navlakha and the writer Anand Teltumbde, in relation to the violence at Bhima Koregaon in January 2018.

Stand in Solidarity with Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha Stand in Solidarity with Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha Statement by Activists, Academics and Concerned Citizens In August 2018, the Pune Police implicated Prof. Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha with other human right activists and lawyers in the now-infamous fabricated Elgar Parishad case.

Journalist Gautam Navlakha tells CPJ he fears imprisonment amid COVID-19 pandemic New Delhi, April 9, 2020 — Indian authorities should stop pursuing the arrest of journalist Gautam Navlakha, and should cease holding journalists in jail during the COVID-19 pandemic, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.

Clampdown On Dissent Continues During The Covid-19 Pandemic In India The clampdown on dissent in India continues. Even during a pandemic, the Government of India is seeing to that targeting those critical of the government are being targeted. When hard-won rights to expression and peaceful protest are weakened, everyone stands to lose.

Human Rights Defender Gautam Navlakha’s Letter Before His Arrest As I prepare to Ieave to surrender before the NIA headquarters in Delhi I am glad that Justice Arun Mishra and Justice Indira Banerjee gave me another week of freedom when they passed the order on April 8, 2020. A week of freedom means a lot in my condition, even in the age of lockdown.

Global Solidarity Staement for Dr. Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha – Jamhoor This is a time sensitive petition for the immediate release of Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha, two of India’s foremost civil rights activists and public intellectuals. Please read and sign this petition here: Global Solidarity Statement for Dr. Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha .

Human rights groups denounce Indian activists’ arrest as crackdown on dissent – La Prensa Latina Media New Delhi, Apr 15 (efe-epa).- Human rights nonprofits on Wednesday came down hard against the Indian government a day after the arrest of scholar Anand Teltumbde and rights activist Gautam Navlakha under an anti-terrorism law for allegedly inciting violence during a protest in 2018, calling it a clampdown on dissent.

96c03acb00 – United States Department of State India is a multiparty, federal, parliamentary democracy with a bicameral legislature. The president, elected by an electoral college composed of the state assemblies and parliament, is the head of state, and the prime minister is the head of government.

Under UAPA, Process Itself Becomes Punishment, Writes Activist Gautam Navlakha Before Surrendering | NewsClick As the country remembers Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar on the occasion of his birth anniversary, civil rights activists Gautam Navlakha and Anand Teltumbde, who were booked under the draconian UAPA in relation to the Bhima Koregaon violence in 2018, are set to surrender to the police.

Indian columnist arrested on trumped-up “Maoism” charge | Reporters without borders Reporters Without Borders (RSF) calls for the immediate and unconditional release of Gautam Navlakha, a well-known columnist and human rights defender who, despite serious humanitarian concerns, has been jailed on a flimsy charge brought by India’s counter-terrorism police, the National Investigation Agency (NIA).

Persecution of rights activists and voices of dissent in India Recently, in a series of synchronized raids carried throughout India, various human rights activists and vocal critics of the ruling government were arrested under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), an anti-terror law. These arrests have been widely criticized for being politically motivated as they are aimed at curbing the right of free speech and dissent or criticism towards the government.

Dalit leaders condemn Anand Teltumbde’s arrest on 14 April-Ambedkar Jayanti On 16 March 2020, a Supreme Court bench comprising the judges Arun Mishra and Mukeshkumar Rasikbhai Shah rejected the anticipatory bail pleas of the civil-rights activist Gautam Navlakha and the writer Teltumbde, in relation to the violence at Bhima Koregaon in January 2018.

UK Rights Organisations condemn arrest of Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha UK Rights Organisations condemn the imminent arrest of Prof Dr Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha Demand prompt release of all political and democratic rights activists in Indian jails 08 April 2020 The police in the State of Maharashtra, India, acting at the behest of the central BJP Hindutva government, is forcing the arrest of Professor […]

Statement by Hindus for Human Rights and Global Indian Progressive Alliance Protesting the Arrest of Dr. Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha – Hindus For Human Rights Dr. Anand Teltumbde is a highly respected and revered scholar and human rights defender. Along with his comrade in justice work, Gautam Navlakha, Dr. Teltumbde will be arrested today on demonstrably fabricated charges related to the Bhima Koregaon case.

Dalit Leaders, Political Representatives Condemn Dr Teltumbde’s Imminent Arrest on Ambedkar Jayanti | NewsClick Ahead of the Anand Teltumbde’s surrender on April 14 [also the ocaasion of B R Ambedkar’s birth anniversary] in accordance with the Supreme Court order, Dalit, Adivasi, OBC and minority leaders have demanded that he be allowed “to live and write, to be a free spirit that enlivens our democratic selves”.

MASS condemn arrest of Gautam Navalakha and Anand Teltumbe Guwahati: The Manab Adhikar Sangram Samiti (MASS) is disturbed and dismayed by the Supreme Court of India’s decision to allow for the detention of civil rights activist Gautam Navalakha and Anand Teltumbe after August 14,2020. Both had been implicated in Bhima Korgoan case of 2018, where many Dalit activists were hurt in rioting by mobs supported by powerful local politicians.

‘A tragedy for India’: Author Arundhati Roy on arrests of activists Anand Teltumbde, Gautam Navlakha ‘They have both been accused of outlandish crimes.’

In Solidarity with and Appeal to Acquit Prof. Anand Teltumbde In Solidarity with and Appeal to Acquit Prof. Anand Teltumbde Statement by IIMA faculty, students and alumni Over 280 students, faculty members and alumni of Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad (IIMA), have signed a statement in solidarity with their illustrious alumnus, Anand Teltumbde who apart from being a corporate leader and teacher has done so much to the society.

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• Introduction

The foothills

The pir panjal range, the vale of kashmir, the great himalayas zone, animal life.

• The Jammu region
• Kashmiris of the vale and highlands
• Settlement patterns
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Jammu and Kashmir

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• GlobalSecurity.org - Jammu and Kashmir, India
• Indianetzone - Jammu & Kashmir, India
• Official Tourism Site of Jammu and Kashmir Tourist Development Corporation, India
• Jammu and Kashmir - Student Encyclopedia (Ages 11 and up)
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Jammu and Kashmir , union territory of India (until October 31, 2019, a state), located in the northern part of the Indian subcontinent centered on the plains around Jammu to the south and the Vale of Kashmir to the north. The union territory is part of the larger region of Kashmir , which has been the subject of dispute between India, Pakistan , and China since the partition of the subcontinent in 1947. Legislation passed in August 2019 set the stage for downgrading Jammu and Kashmir from statehood to union territory status and splitting off a part of it, known as the Ladakh region, into a separate union territory. The change went into effect on October 31 of that year.

Jammu and Kashmir, formerly one of the largest princely states of India, is bounded to the east by the Indian union territory of Ladakh , to the south by the Indian states of Himachal Pradesh and Punjab , to the southwest by Pakistan, and to the northwest by the Pakistani-administered portion of Kashmir. The administrative capitals are Srinagar in summer and Jammu in winter. Area 16,309 square miles (101,387 square km). Pop. (2011) 12,367,013.

The vast majority of the union territory is mountainous, and the physiography is divided into five zones that are closely associated with the structural components of the western Himalayas . From west to east those zones consist of the plains, the foothills, the Pir Panjal Range , the Vale of Kashmir , and the Great Himalayas zone. The climate varies from alpine on the eastern edge to subtropical in the southwest. In the alpine area average annual precipitation is about 3 inches (75 mm), but in the subtropical zone (around Jammu) rainfall amounts to about 45 inches (1,150 mm) per year. The entire region is prone to violent seismic activity, and light to moderate tremors are common. A strong earthquake centered in neighboring Pakistani-administered Kashmir killed hundreds in Jammu and Kashmir state in 2005.

The narrow zone of plains landscape in the Jammu region is characterized by interlocking sandy alluvial fans that have been deposited by streams discharging from the foothills and by a much-dissected pediment (eroded bedrock surface) covered by loams and loess (wind-deposited silt) of Pleistocene age (about 11,700 to 2,600,000 years old). Precipitation is low, amounting to about 15 to 20 inches (380 to 500 mm) per year, and it occurs mainly in the form of heavy but infrequent rain showers during the summer monsoon (June to September). The countryside has been almost entirely denuded of trees, and thorn scrub and coarse grass are the dominant forms of vegetation.

The foothills of the Himalayas , rising from about 2,000 to 7,000 feet (600 to 2,100 meters), form outer and inner zones. The outer zone consists of sandstones, clays, silts, and conglomerates, influenced by Himalayan folding movements and eroded to form long ridges and valleys called dun s. The inner zone consists of more-massive sedimentary rock , including red sandstones of Miocene age (roughly 5.3 to 23 million years old), that has been folded, fractured, and eroded to form steep spurs and plateau remnants. River valleys are deeply incised and terraced, and faulting has produced a number of alluvium-filled basins, such as those surrounding Udhampur and Punch . Precipitation increases with elevation, and the lower scrubland gives way to pine forests higher up.

The Pir Panjal Range constitutes the first (southernmost) mountain rampart associated with the Himalayas in the union territory and is the westernmost of the Lesser Himalayas . It has an average crest line of 12,500 feet (3,800 meters), with individual peaks rising to some 15,000 feet (4,600 meters). Consisting of an ancient rock core of granites, gneisses, quartz rocks, and slates, it has been subject to considerable uplift and fracturing and was heavily glaciated during the Pleistocene Epoch . The range receives heavy precipitation in the forms of winter snowfall and summer rain and has extensive areas of pasture above the tree line. It is drained principally by the Jhelum , Punch, and Chenab rivers.

The Vale of Kashmir is a deep asymmetrical basin lying between the Pir Panjal Range and the western end of the Great Himalayas at an average elevation of 5,300 feet (1,620 meters). During Pleistocene times it was occupied at times by a body of water known as Lake Karewa; it is now filled by lacustrine (still water) sediments as well as alluvium deposited by the upper Jhelum River. Soil and water conditions vary across the valley. The climate is characterized by annual precipitation of about 30 inches (750 mm), derived partially from the summer monsoon and partially from storms associated with winter low-pressure systems. Snowfall often is accompanied by rain and sleet. Temperatures vary considerably by elevation; at Srinagar the average minimum temperature is in the upper 20s F (about −2 °C) in January, and the average maximum is in the upper 80s F (about 31 °C) in July.

Up to about 7,000 feet (2,100 meters), woodlands of deodar cedar, blue pine, walnut, willow, elm, and poplar occur. From 7,000 to 10,500 feet (3,200 meters), coniferous forests with fir, pine, and spruce are found. From 10,500 to 12,000 feet (3,700 meters), birch is dominant, and above 12,000 feet there are meadows with rhododendrons and dwarf willows as well as honeysuckle.

The Great Himalayas lie along the eastern border with Ladakh. Geologically complex and topographically immense, the Great Himalayas contain ranges with numerous peaks reaching elevations of 20,000 feet (6,100 meters) or higher, between which lie deeply entrenched remote valleys. The region was heavily glaciated during the Pleistocene Epoch, and remnant glaciers and snowfields are still present. The zone receives some rain from the southwest monsoon in the summer months—and the lower slopes are forested—but the mountains constitute a climatic divide, representing a transition from the monsoon climate of the Indian subcontinent to the dry continental climate of Central Asia . Jammu and Kashmir contains only a small section of the Great Himalayas, but the highest summit in the union territory, at Bharanzar in the Kishtwar district, still manages an impressive elevation of 21,500 feet (6,550 meters).

Among the wild mammals found in the union territory are the rare hangul (or Kashmir stag) found in Dachigam National Park, the endangered markhor (a large goat) inhabiting mainly protected areas of the Pir Panjal Range, and black and brown bears. There are many species of game birds, including vast numbers of migratory ducks.

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Famous Paintings of Jammu & Kashmir - Types, Features, Significance

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Essay on Jammu and Kashmir Issue

Students are often asked to write an essay on Jammu and Kashmir Issue in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Jammu and Kashmir Issue

Introduction.

Jammu and Kashmir is a region in northern India with a complex history. It has been a subject of dispute between India, Pakistan, and China since 1947.

Historical Background

Jammu and Kashmir was a princely state during British rule. During partition in 1947, it had the option to join either India or Pakistan.

The Dispute

The ruler of Jammu and Kashmir chose to accede to India. This decision led to a conflict between India and Pakistan, sparking several wars.

Current Scenario

Today, the region is divided between the three nations. The issue remains unresolved, causing tension and conflict.

250 Words Essay on Jammu and Kashmir Issue

Historical context.

The princely state of J&K, predominantly Muslim but ruled by a Hindu Maharaja, acceded to India post-partition under certain conditions. The Instrument of Accession, signed by Maharaja Hari Singh, promised a high degree of autonomy to J&K, which was later enshrined in Article 370 of the Indian Constitution.

Conflict and International Dimensions

The region has witnessed multiple wars, insurgency, and a constant state of tension. Pakistan, claiming the entire state based on its Muslim majority, has sought international intervention, while India insists it’s a bilateral issue. The conflict has also caught the attention of global powers, given its strategic location and nuclear dimension.

Recent Developments

In August 2019, the Indian government abrogated Article 370, revoking J&K’s special status. This move has added a new layer to the dispute, intensifying the debate on autonomy, integration, and human rights.

The Jammu and Kashmir issue is not merely a territorial dispute but a complex mesh of historical, political, and socio-cultural aspects. It is a challenge that demands a nuanced understanding and an approach that respects the aspirations of the people of J&K, while ensuring geopolitical stability.

500 Words Essay on Jammu and Kashmir Issue

Jammu and Kashmir, an idyllic region nestled in the northernmost part of India, has been a hotbed of political and territorial disputes since the partition of India and Pakistan in 1947. The issue is complex, involving historical, political, and socio-cultural aspects that have shaped the region’s current dynamics.

Political Dimensions

The political dimension of the Jammu and Kashmir issue is characterized by divergent narratives. India maintains that the region is an integral part of its territory, while Pakistan asserts that the majority-Muslim region should have been part of its territory post-partition. There is also a third narrative, primarily advocated by separatist groups within the region, demanding complete independence or self-determination.

Article 370 and 35A

Article 370 and 35A of the Indian Constitution granted Jammu and Kashmir a special status, allowing it to have its own constitution and flag, and restricting outsiders from buying property in the state. However, in August 2019, the Indian government abrogated these articles, integrating the region fully into India. This move sparked widespread criticism and protests, both domestically and internationally.

Socio-Cultural Implications

International aspects.

The Jammu and Kashmir issue has significant international ramifications. Apart from being a point of contention between India and Pakistan, it has also drawn the attention of global powers, particularly China, which controls the Aksai Chin area of Ladakh. The region’s strategic location, coupled with its rich natural resources, makes it a focal point in geopolitics.

The Jammu and Kashmir issue is a complex amalgamation of historical, political, and socio-cultural factors. Resolution of this dispute requires a nuanced understanding of these dimensions, coupled with a commitment to dialogue and diplomacy. It is essential to prioritize the welfare of the region’s inhabitants, ensuring their rights, aspirations, and cultural identities are respected in any future settlement.

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Traditions and Culture Of Jammu and Kashmir

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Deep in the heart of India, where the sky reaches out to touch the snow-capped peaks, the vibrant culture of Jammu & Kashmir comes alive. Tradition intertwines with modernity in a heartfelt symphony of colours, smells, and sounds. If culture were a painting, Jammu and Kashmir would undoubtedly be its most vibrant corner, shimmering with diversity and unity.

A mosaic of breathtaking landscapes and rich cultural heritage, Jammu and Kashmir is more than a simple geographical region. It's a timeless tapestry woven by countless generations. "Culture is the widening of the mind and spirit," Jawaharlal Nehru once said. In the context of Jammu and Kashmir, it certainly feels this way. So, let's unwrap further discussion!

Jammu And Kashmir Culture And Traditions

Every region has a story to tell, and Jammu and Kashmir, with its unique cultural heritage, is a storybook waiting to open its pages to the world!

• Festivals of Jammu and Kashmir - Rich Cultural Celebrations and Traditions
• Famous Foods of Jammu and Kashmir - Flavourful Culinary Delights and Specialties
• Art, Music, and Craft of Jammu and Kashmir - Vibrant Artistic Expressions and Creativity
• Best Places to Visit in Jammu and Kashmir - Breathtaking Natural Landscapes and Serenity
• Dance Forms of Jammu and Kashmir - Energetic Rhythmic Movements and Grace
• Traditional Attire of Jammu and Kashmir - Colourful Ethnic Garments and Elegance

1. Festivals of Jammu and Kashmir - Rich Cultural Celebrations and Traditions

Like a multicoloured kaleidoscope, famous festivals in Jammu and Kashmir vividly depict its diverse and composite culture. Each celebration is a confluence of various customs, traditions, and rituals that mirror the region's rich cultural heritage. The pulsating beats of drums during Lohri, the bonfire's glow marking the end of winter, or the vibrant processions during Eid and Navroz are not merely festivities but encapsulate a spirit of brotherhood and communal harmony. These festivals, where people from different faiths come together in a joyous celebration of life, become the melodic notes in Jammu and Kashmir's cultural symphony. Baisakhi, celebrated with much fanfare, ushers in the harvest season and encapsulates the region's agricultural ethos. It symbolises gratitude, hope, and the eternal cycle of renewal, further strengthening the deep-rooted cultural ties among the people.

2. Famous Foods of Jammu and Kashmir - Flavourful Culinary Delights and Specialties

The traditional cuisine of Jammu and Kashmir is a sensory delight, combining distinct flavours in a harmonious culinary sonnet. The celebrated Wazwan, a feast fit for kings, tells tales of the region's royal past. Its intricate preparation and presentation are as much an art form as a culinary tradition. The robust flavours of Rogan Josh, the tantalisingly aromatic Yakhni, and the hearty comfort of Dum Aloo - each dish contributes to the culinary tableau. The taste of sweet Shufta prepared during festivities lingers like a warm memory. Every ingredient, every spice, and every method of preparation reflects famous food of Jammu and Kashmir , bringing out the essence of this land of sheer beauty and serenity.

3. Art, Music, and Craft of Jammu and Kashmir - Vibrant Artistic Expressions and Creativity

Artistic creativity is the soul of Jammu and Kashmir's cultural ethos, reflecting the people's inherent talent and creativity. The handicrafts of Jammu and Kashmir, including the globally acclaimed Pashmina shawls, carry the whispers of the skilled artisans who pour their heart and soul into creating these masterpieces. The wooden carvings, the Papier-mâché artefacts, and the intricately woven carpets all mirror the region's aesthetic sensibilities. Music and dance of Jammu and Kashmir also hold a significant place in the cultural fabric of Jammu and Kashmir. Traditional music forms like Chakri and Sufiana Kalam echo in the valleys, while folk dances like Rouff and Hafiza dance resonate with the land's energy and vibrancy.

4. Best Places to Visit in Jammu and Kashmir - Breathtaking Natural Landscapes and Serenity

A tour through the tourist attractions in Jammu and Kashmir is akin to a journey through a beautifully illustrated storybook. The shimmering Dal Lake, often called "Srinagar's Jewel," is a sight to behold. The ancient temples of Jammu, each with a story to tell, are epitomes of architectural grandeur. The meandering valleys of Pahalgam, the majestic mountains of Ladakh, and the pristine beauty of Gulmarg's snow-covered landscapes all leave an indelible imprint on the beholder's heart. Each place is a testament to Jammu and Kashmir's profound natural beauty and a window into its rich history and heritage.

5. Dance Forms of Jammu and Kashmir - Energetic Rhythmic Movements and Grace

In Jammu and Kashmir, dance is a symphony of rhythmic movements and grace that tell tales of the region's vibrant culture. Dance forms like Rouff and Hafiza, performed in groups, symbolise unity, harmony, and the region's spirit of festivity. Dance in Jammu and Kashmir is not merely about rhythmic movements; it's a language that communicates stories of the past and aspirations for the future. The dances, often accompanied by soulful music, bring out the cultural richness and diversity of the region, further enhancing its enchanting charm.

6. Traditional Attire of Jammu and Kashmir - Colourful Ethnic Garments and Elegance

The traditional attire of Jammu and Kashmir, with its vivid hues and intricate designs, reflects the region's rich sartorial legacy. The warmth of the Pheran, the elegance of the Pashmina shawl, and the delicate embroidery of the Kurtas all narrate tales of a vibrant cultural heritage. The traditional attire is a canvas portraying the region's aesthetic sensibilities and deep-rooted cultural moorings. Much like the region's people, the attire is a perfect blend of tradition and modernity, simplicity and grandeur.

7. Tribes of Jammu and Kashmir - Diverse Indigenous Community and Heritage

Jammu and Kashmir are home to several tribes with unique customs, traditions, and languages. These tribes, with their distinctive lifestyles and rich cultural practices, contribute significantly to the cultural heritage of Jammu and Kashmir. The Gujjars, Bakerwals, Gaddis, and Botas are some of the tribes that inhabit the region. Their vibrant folk songs, dances, and traditional crafts passed down through generations, offer an insightful glimpse into the region's indigenous heritage. Their unique cultural practices, deeply ingrained in their everyday lives, are integral to the region's diverse cultural tapestry.

The mosaic of diverse cultures and traditions that shape Jammu and Kashmir is a compelling story of unity amidst diversity. From the pulse of its vibrant festivals to the melody of its traditional music, the richness of its cuisine to the elegance of its traditional attire, every aspect weaves an enchanting tale of its cultural heritage. The echo of the local tribes' narratives and the allure of its breathtaking tourist attractions further solidify this region as a captivating panorama of cultural diversity. Jammu and Kashmir isn't merely a destination; it's a cultural journey, a living, breathing tapestry of traditions and togetherness.

As our exploration draws to a close, we invite you to experience this culture first-hand. Immerse yourself in the unity and diversity that is Jammu and Kashmir. So, why wait? Take the first step towards this unforgettable journey with Adotrip , your perfect travel partner.

With us, nothing is far!

Frequently Asked Questions About Culture Of Jammu and Kashmir

Q1. What are the major cultural festivals celebrated in Jammu and Kashmir? A1: Certainly, here are some major cultural festivals celebrated in Jammu and Kashmir:

• Eid-ul-Fitr
• Eid-ul-Adha
• Hemis Festival
• Tulip Festival
• Saffron Festival

Q2: Can you tell me about Jammu and Kashmir's traditional dance forms and music genres? A2: Here are some traditional dance forms and music genres of Jammu and Kashmir:

• Rouff Dance
• Hafiza Dance
• Chakri Music
• Sufiana Kalam

Q3: How do Jammu and Kashmir celebrate their regional and religious festivals? A3: In Jammu and Kashmir, regional and religious festivals are celebrated with:

• Communal Feasts
• Public Processions
• Traditional Dances
• Folk Music Performances
• Community Bonfires

Q4: Are there any unique art and craft forms that represent Jammu and Kashmir's culture? A4: Unique art and craft forms from Jammu and Kashmir include:

• Pashmina Shawls
• Wooden Carvings
• Papier-mâché Artefacts
• Handwoven Carpets

Q5: What are some famous folklore and mythological stories associated with Jammu and Kashmir? A5: Some of the famous folklore and mythological stories from Jammu and Kashmir include:

• The Legend of the Dal Lake
• The Story of Habba Khatoon
• The Epic of Heemal and Nagrai

Q6: How does the cuisine of Jammu and Kashmir reflect its cultural identity? A6: Jammu and Kashmir's cuisine includes dishes like:

Q7: Can you tell me about the traditional attire and jewellery worn in Jammu and Kashmir? A7: Traditional attire and jewellery from Jammu and Kashmir include:

• Embroidered Kurtas
• Silver Jhumkas
• Dejhoor (Traditional Kashmiri Earrings)

Q8: Are there any specific rituals or customs followed in Jammu and Kashmir's cultural practices? A8: Some customs and rituals in Jammu and Kashmir's cultural practices include:

• Kashmiri Pandit Marriage Rituals
• Namaz Rituals
• Lohri Bonfire Tradition

Q9: How do Jammu and Kashmir's natural landscape and religious diversity influence its culture? A9: The natural landscape and religious diversity influence Jammu and Kashmir culture through:

• Nature-Inspired Art and Craft
• Interfaith Festivals and Celebrations
• Multi-Cultural Cuisine

Q10: Can you recommend some cultural events or festivals to experience in Jammu and Kashmir? A10: To experience the rich cultural heritage of Jammu and Kashmir, consider these events:

• Hemis Festival in Ladakh
• Tulip Festival in Srinagar
• Lohri Celebrations in Jammu
• Eid Celebrations across Jammu and Kashmir

--- Published By  Adotrip

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• Jammu & Kashmir
• Brief Introduction

Jammu and Kashmir Information

Brief Introduction of Jammu & Kashmir

Jammu & Kashmir is a newly created Union Territory in India consisting of two divisions: Jammu Division & Kashmir Division, both of which are administered by the Central Government of India. It is located to the north of Himachal Pradesh & Punjab and to the west of Ladakh. Jammu is known as the City of Temples & offers plentiful sightseeing opportunities with its gardens, palaces, forts & religious attractions, the most famous of which is Mata Vaishno Devi in Katra. Kashmir Valley is famous for its meadows, lakes, high altitude passes, hill stations, Mughal Gardens, Dal Lake, Shikara Ride & ancient religious sites.

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History of jammu & kashmir.

Among the many interesting facts about Jammu and Kashmir, one is that it was a princely state during the rule of the British East India Company & the British Raj from 1846 to 1947. The princely state was formed after the 1st Anglo Sikh War. During the Partition of India & its political integration, Hari Singh, the Maharaja of Jammu & Kashmir, delayed his decision regarding integration with India.

However, on 26th October, 1947, the Maharaja acceded to India in return for military aid during the Indo-Pakistan War of 1947-48 by signing the Instrument of Accession. That was how Jammu and Kashmir came to be a part of India. Article 370, which gave special status to Jammu & Kashmir, a separate constitution, state flag & autonomy over its internal administration, was incorporated into the Constitution.

A new chapter in the history of Jammu & Kashmir was added on 6th August, 2019, when the Government of India removed Article 370 and consequently, the special status of Jammu & Kashmir. It also passed the Jammu & Kashmir Reorganisation Act, which created 2 Union Territories - Jammu & Kashmir in the west & Ladakh in the East. There are now 3 administrative divisions: Jammu Division, Kashmir Division & Ladakh.

Population of Jammu & Kashmir

According to the latest census conducted in 2011, the population in Jammu is 5.04 lakhs, while the population in Kashmir Valley is 69.1 lakhs.

Climate of Jammu & Kashmir

The climate of Jammu Region is different from Kashmir Valley, even though they receive three seasons: summer, monsoon & winter.

• Summer Season: Summer in Jammu starts from March & continues till May, with the temperature ranging between 35°C going as high as 45°C. Summer in Kashmir Valley starts from May and lasts till August, with the temperature ranging between 14°C to 30°C.
• Monsoon Season: Monsoon in Jammu starts from June & lasts till September, with the temperature ranging between 32°C to 35°C. The rainfall causes a sharp increase in the humidity levels. In Kashmir Valley, monsoon starts from July & lasts till August, with the temperature ranging from 13°C to 17°C.
• Winter Season: Winter in Jammu & Kashmir starts from October & lasts till February. While it gets quite cold in both Jammu Region & Kashmir Valley during winters, it gets much more colder in Kashmir Valley, with the temperature dropping as low as -2°C.

The temperature in Kashmir Valley ranges between -2°C to 10°C. In Jammu, the temperature in winter ranges between 4°C to 12°C, and is known as the “Winter Capital of Jammu & Kashmir”, since it offers an escape from the freezing temperatures of Kashmir Valley.

Religion of Jammu & Kashmir

The major religion of Jammu Region is Hinduism, and it is home to important Hindu pilgrimage sites, including the famous Mata Vaishno Devi Temple in Katra.

In Kashmir Valley, Islam is practised by the majority of people. Amarnath Cave, a major Hindu Pilgrimage Site, is located about 141 kilometers from Srinagar.

District of Jammu & Kashmir

• Districts in Jammu Region: There are 10 districts in Jammu Region. These are Kathua, Jammu, Samba, Udhampur, Reasi, Rajouri, Poonch, Doda, Ramban & Kishtwar.
• Districts in Kashmir Region: Kashmir Valley Region consists of 10 districts, which are Anantnag, Kulgam, Pulwama, Shopian, Budgam, Srinagar, Ganderbal, Bandipora, Baramulla & Kupwara.

Literacy Rate in Jammu and Kashmir

As per the Census 2011 (the last census conducted in India), Jammu & Kashmir has a literacy rate of 67.16%. Male literacy is 76.75%, while female literacy rate is 56.43%.

Lifestyle of Jammu & Kashmir People

The lifestyle of the Jammu people is not very different from the rest of the people of India. They are deeply religious, and value their culture heritage a lot. Religion plays a central role in their lives, and regularly visit the numerous temples scattered around the city.

Both men & women can be seen in modern as well as traditional attire. The majority of the Jammu people speak Dogri, Gojri, Pahadi, Kashmiri, Hindi, Punjabi & Urdu.

In the Kashmir Valley, people follow a traditional lifestyle, while accommodating the modern influences to a certain extent. Historically, Central Asian & Persian influences on Kashmir have been quite strong.

The traditional dress of the people here is Pheran & Poots, which is worn by both men and women. Along with this, Mughal style turbans, headgear, taranga belt of pashmina & coloured scarf are also worn by the people. The principal languages spoken are Kashmiri & Urdu.

Source of Economy

One of the sources of economy in Jammu are a number of small industries in Jammu that produce a variety of items like electronic goods and carpets. Tourism also contributes in a big way to the economy of Jammu, since it is dotted with cultural, historical & spiritual sites.

Some of the most famous are Bahu Fort, Raghunath Temple, Mubarak Mandi Palace, Bagh-e-Bahu Garden & one of the most visited Hindu pilgrimage places in India, the Mata Vaishno Devi Temple in Katra.

The primary source of revenue for the people of Kashmir Valley is agriculture & related activities along with tourism. Sericulture and cold water fisheries are other industries that provide livelihood to people in Kashmir Valley. High quality bats known as Kashmir Willow is made from the wood found in this region.

A variety of agricultural exports are also made in Kashmir including those of barley, cherries, corn, millet, orange, rice, peaches, pears, saffron & vegetables. Apples grown in Kashmir are exported throughout India and the world.

Tourism also contributes a large part to the economy of Kashmir Valley, and attracts tourists both from India and around the world, not just for its spectacular landscape but its rich culture & heritage.

Music & Dance of Jammu & Kashmir

The music of Jammu & Kashmir has been influenced by a variety of musical influences, including that of Central, Eastern & Southern Asia. Some of the most famous musical forms practiced in Kashmir are Chakri, Henzae, Ladishah, Rouf, Hindustani Classical & Sufiana Kalam.

The rich culture of Jammu & Kashmir also includes several dances that are performed during birthdays, festivals & other special occasions. Some of the traditional dance forms are Dumhal, Kud, Bhand Pather, Rouf, Hafiza & Bacha Nagma.

Cuisine of Jammu & Kashmir

Both the Jammu Region & the Kashmir Valley boast a rich cuisines, with a variety of vegetarian & non vegetarian dishes.

The cuisine of Jammu incorporates the use of several items like pulses, lentils, rice and potatoes. The Dogri dishes are a major part of its cuisine and includes a variety of dishes like Ambal, Kulthi ki Dal, Khatta Meat, Dal Patt, Maa da Madra, and Auraiya.

Pickles are also an important part of the Jammu cuisine, and greatly enjoyed by the people. Kasrod, Jimikand, Girgle, Tyaoo & Seyoo are some of the pickles served along with the main dish. Desserts like chocolate barfi, patista & sund panjeeri are the major sweet dishes in Jammu.

The cuisine of Kashmir Valley reflects Central Asian, Persian & Afghan influences. Spices like cardamom, cinnamon, fennel & cloves are widely used. One of the most famous dishes in Kashmir is Wazwan, a collection of 32 vegetarian & non vegetarian dishes.

The most popular dishes greatly enjoyed by the people are Tabakhmaaz, Shab Deg, Dum Olav/Dum Aloo, Aab Gosh, Lyader Tschaman, Runwagan Tschaman, Riste, Nader ti Gaad, Herath, Novroze, Yakhni, and the widely acclaimed Rogan Josh.

Bread is also greatly relished by the local people, with various kinds of breads like Tsot & Tsochvor, Sheermal, Lavas & Kulcha. Kehwa, a type of tea mixed with Kashmiri green tea leaves, nuts, saffron & whole spices, is served to guests and greatly enjoyed by the people too.

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Jammu & kashmir travel information at a glance, about j & k.

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Kashmir Destinations

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• > Journals
• > Modern Intellectual History
• > Volume 19 Issue 4
• > Pure Kashmir: Nature, Freedom and Counternationalism

Article contents

Land and power, iqbal the kashmiri, beauty as self, stealing from the poor, ideas of india, pure kashmir: nature, freedom and counternationalism.

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 September 2021

Bringing political thought to bear upon one of the world's most pressing geopolitical problems, this article explores Kashmiri engagements with nature and how these served the attempt to concurrently champion two nations: ethno-linguistic and almost homogeneous Kashmir, and heterogeneous but organic India. Disconnected from human endeavor and, therefore, astonishingly unreliant on other ideas to define Kashmir's distinctiveness, the idea of natural purity had something in common with the earlier New World nationalisms of colonial white settlers who sought to remake conquered lands. But since Kashmiris had long resisted what they saw as the theft of their beautiful land by more powerful, envious outsiders, how far was it possible for their twentieth-century thinkers to integrate this disruptive idea of a nonhuman nature into an otherwise historicized sense of nationhood?

Alongside the Israel–Palestine conflict, the legal status of Jammu and Kashmir, located in the far north of the Indian subcontinent, is the oldest unresolved matter before the United Nations. Immediately after independence and Partition in August 1947, the Indian Union and Pakistan found themselves locked in battle over this erstwhile princely state. Under colonial rule, the nominally sovereign princely states, unlike the Raj's directly administered provinces, were governed by local kings within the ambit of British suzerainty. Spread out across the country, together these various polities were home to one Indian in every four. Once Clement Attlee's Labour government resolved to decolonize the empire, it took some cognizance of Indian opinion in the provinces to outline a fresh constitutional framework. Elected to provincial legislatures on a heavily restricted franchise, the Indian National Congress and the All-India Muslim League were invited to participate in tripartite negotiations. As a parting gift to their royal allies, however, Britain ignored popular sentiments in the generally less democratized princely states. With the provinces electing to be separated along religious lines, Attlee left it to these feudal monarchs to script their subjects’ destinies. In theory, they were free to retain full sovereignty. In reality, however, they were encouraged to accede to either India or Pakistan.

This was because the most influential strands of political thinking in late colonial India had formulated unitary conceptions of sovereignty for an independent future. The leaders of both Congress and the Muslim League, as well as their departing British rulers, had no desire to see the country splintered into several polities after independence. Though these three parties, some more reluctantly than others, had now accepted a two-state solution to the seemingly intractable question of Muslim minoritization, their talks proceeded on the understanding that India and Pakistan would have centralized governments retaining as much of the colonial state's institutional machinery as possible. These architects of South Asia's decolonizing moment all agreed that this remained the best way to guarantee subcontinental security, and keep the promise of cohesive economic development alive. Therefore, while the quasi-autonomous princes may have been able to negotiate the terms of their accessions up to a point, they were ultimately compelled to dissolve these autonomies into the democratic, unitary sovereignties of India and Pakistan. Footnote 1

But this process was complicated not just by a motley group of stubborn monarchs hoping to protect their frequently antidemocratic, and thus deteriorating, interests. Just as significantly, they ruled over disenfranchised populations that had inherited precolonial attachments to their regional lands and languages, and transformed these older patriotisms into modern ethnic nationalisms of their own. Footnote 2 And while various rich traditions of local belonging were scattered across the British provinces too, their collision with the peculiar constitutional status of princely India, which had long prevented its full subordination to the national politics of Congress and the Muslim League, provided an especially potent challenge to ideas of unitary sovereignty in the mid-twentieth century. This was particularly true of the nationalist movement led by the popular actor–thinker Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah in the Kashmir Valley, where this clash between old and new conceptions of patriotism and sovereignty played out in a more consequential fashion than anywhere else.

At Partition, Maharaja Hari Singh, the Hindu Dogra king who governed over the largely Muslim population of Jammu and Kashmir, wished to remain independent of the two new dominions. But he was soon met with an invasion from northwestern Pakistan by irregular Pashtun raiders. This attack was seemingly prompted by rising levels of religious violence in the Jammu region, much of which was instigated by right-wing Hindu and Sikh groups and abetted by the maharaja's forces. In need of its military assistance to prevent a forcible merger with Pakistan, the reluctant maharaja acceded to India, an accession which many in Kashmir continue to claim must either be ratified or annulled by a popular referendum and is thus still considered provisional.

The ensuing 1947–8 skirmishes ended in the drawing of a ceasefire line that split the principality roughly in half, between India and Pakistan. The Kashmir Valley, the most densely populated region of this ethno-linguistically diverse state, fell on the southern side of the de facto border and was thus incorporated into India. Kashmiri-speaking and overwhelmingly Muslim, it rapidly assumed ideological value for the founders of both nation-states. Capable of dismantling the prevailing logic of a regrettable religious Partition, the retention of the Valley within India became symbolic of Congress's self-avowedly secular democracy inclusive of Hindus and Muslims alike. In Pakistan, meanwhile, only the Valley could finally accomplish the amalgamation of all the subcontinent's Muslim-majority regions into a single religio-national homeland.

But as important as these Indian and Pakistani national ideas were to the problem of Kashmir, so too was the refusal of Abdullah's movement to be entirely absorbed by either of them. And it is to some of the neglected intellectual origins of modern Kashmiri exceptionalism, which continues to animate a variety of contemporary demands from provincial autonomy within India to Kashmiri independence, that I turn in this article. These origins are, however, somewhat unexpected. For they belong not just to a staunch regionalist like Abdullah, but also to two renowned diasporic Kashmiris of the wider Indian anticolonial struggle: the Islamic universalist poet and philosopher Muhammad Iqbal, and the foremost Congress politician and secular nationalist ideologue Jawaharlal Nehru.

This article explores how these three otherwise very different thinkers—who had divergent relationships with Kashmir, and even antagonistic political projects grounded in conflicting conceptions of postcolonial sovereignty—nevertheless engaged with Kashmiri nature in similar ways. Integral to marking the territorial limits of the state, the field of intellectual history has widely acknowledged the role that natural landscapes play in nationalist imaginations across the modern world. Footnote 3 Nevertheless, I want to contend that the approach these Kashmiri figures took to this question, though not without its global analogies, was significantly original. Much like how the political thinkers of modern Europe imagined their national communities, Abdullah, Iqbal, and Nehru conceived of Kashmir as an Old World nationality. According to this model, a national community is a largely homogeneous collective marked by a set of inherited characteristics: a shared bloodline, historical narrative, and rootedness in the land, and an assortment of cultural features that have tended to include language, custom, and art. In line with this conception, Kashmiris were not a people to be made in the present. Gifted a rich inheritance by their ancestors, they already existed as a fully formed cultural unit. That said, these thinkers obsessively returned to Kashmir's attractive landscape—of mountains, hills, rivers, flora, and meadows; and the way they did so went beyond the conventional bounds of this Old World logic of human inheritance. Since its distinctive, immortal geography was the creation not of humankind but of nature, it was significantly disconnected from the endeavors and achievements of Kashmiris and their forebears. Therefore this natural scenery had the unique power to represent Kashmiri particularity without any reference to the protracted, meandering narrative of human history and ancestral bequests. As such, nature disrupted history's hegemony over Kashmiri nationalist thought. Independent and pure, it was precisely because Kashmiri nature was able to emblematically stand in for regional distinction as a whole that it possessed such great intellectual potential. The central argument of this article, then, is that a disruptive nonhuman nature allows Kashmiri thinkers to significantly overcome the baggage of human inheritance and, thereby, make their arguments with exceptional economy.

If Abdullah, Iqbal, and Nehru were able to converge around the idea of a beautiful natural landscape single-handedly encapsulating a unique valley, it was because it significantly overrode their political differences. It is my contention that the Sher-e-Kashmir, or Lion of Kashmir, as Abdullah came to be known among his followers, held simultaneous commitments to two major national ideas: an ethno-linguistically homogeneous and Muslim-dominated Kashmir, and a grander, ethnically heterogeneous, and religiously plural India which nevertheless housed a substantial Hindu majority. But since he located postcolonial sovereignty largely in the Kashmir Valley where he was born and raised, and which remained the principal sphere for his thought and activity, any expression of the latter was premised on the political autonomy of the former. In short, decentralized federation offered Abdullah a way to counteract his ethnic and religious minoritization as a Kashmiri Muslim, without foregoing his historicized sense of Indian unity. Footnote 4 The political thought of Nehru and Iqbal was oriented differently. Living on the plains of northern India, they engaged with their ancestral homeland through a wider political world. For both these figures, a democratic Kashmiri future had to be made compatible with their different—but fundamentally “Indian”—projects. Any notion of a Kashmiri political constituency was to be subordinated to, if not sublimated into, an Indian one, whether secular (Nehru) or religious (Iqbal).

Like Abdullah, Nehru did not just acknowledge but exulted in Indian regional and religious plurality. But in a stark inversion of the Sheikh's vision, he reconciled it to a singular sovereignty fit for an uncertain postcolonial world. To secure this unitary nation, independent India's first prime minister looked to socialist interest, liberal law, and (to a lesser extent) history to create a national consciousness among a people divided by language, caste, and sect. Footnote 5 Meanwhile, interested in securing the integrity of Indian Islam in a Hindu-majority country, Iqbal repelled the force of liberal nationalism that had attracted Abdullah and Nehru. By privatizing religion and restricting political interest to economics, Iqbal held that the modern nation-state ruined the possibility of idealism in politics. Though he did not limit this concern to Islam alone, Iqbal believed that it was vital to Muslims since their faith replaced the division of humankind into confrontational national communities with its own universalism. Added to these fears was the minority status of Indian Muslims. If the homogenizing nation-state was imported to India, it would subsume the “public lives” of Muslims within “a majoritarian culture by default.” Footnote 6 The task for this vast minority of 95 million Indian Muslims was to thus resist this lurch towards liberal nationalism by forming a consolidated political bloc. They had to instead convince their Hindu compatriots to join them in adopting both a mode of Indian unity that acknowledged the supremacy of religious organization, and an ethical—as opposed to material—politics. And this was possible, Iqbal believed, because different religious ethics recognized aspects of themselves in each other. In sum, a harmonious Indian future rested on the rejection of liberal theory in favor of a moral understanding between Hinduism and Islam. Footnote 7 Or, as Iqbal put it himself in 1930, the “unity of an Indian nation” was to “be sought, not in the negation, but in the mutual harmony and cooperation of the many.” Footnote 8

It should now be quite easy to understand why this political rejection of liberal nationalism did not prevent Iqbal from claiming that nations, defined in the orthodox terms of blood and soil, were otherwise very real things. If Hindus and Muslims had to be stopped from aping modern Europe and forming an inward-looking, majoritarian political nation, they nevertheless belonged to the same historical communities of which two were the Kashmiri and Indian nations. We will find, therefore, that Iqbal was able to furnish his poetry with a sense of belonging even as his politics was at odds with those who, like Abdullah and Nehru, shared his patriotic sentiments. Hence despite the incongruent ways in which these three thinkers conceived of their primary political constituency, they agreed on a basic principle: that India existed as an organic whole with regional and religious subsets. Whether they sought to represent Kashmiris (Abdullah), Indians (Nehru), or Muslims (Iqbal), each acknowledged the sociocultural (if not always the political) integrity of these three overlapping communities. As such, they all possessed sufficient intellectual space to first imagine a sense of Kashmiri national distinction, and then reach an implicit consensus on nature's unique ability to (displace human history and thus) embody this distinction alone.

Before illustrating the centrality of a nonhuman nature to Kashmiri political thought, the main body of this article begins with two precursory sections. The first situates this idea within broader historiographical debates on South Asian territoriality and regional nationalism. And since it was foundational to—or ultimately facilitated—Kashmiri nature's disruptive quality, the second explores how Iqbal (more than Nehru and even Abdullah) immortalized an inherited blood-and-soil nationalism for ethnic Kashmiris by locating his poetry within an established regional tradition of lament.

By deploying an emblematic geography to represent regional particularity, Kashmiri nationalist thought conceptually separated itself from its Indian twin. As Nehru recognized in his 1946 The Discovery of India , no single natural scene could capture this vast country alone, for it “stretches from the tropics right up to the temperate regions, from near the equator to the cold heart of Asia.” Footnote 9 Bestowed with multiple climates and geographies, the resource provided by a symbolic landscape to swiftly transcend the narrative of human inheritance was not open to Indian nationalism. It has used nature quite differently, focusing instead on the alleged organic geographical unity of the subcontinent to territorialize a sovereign India. Itty Abraham has noted that if territory is defined as “not just land” or “terrain” but “a political claim over land and terrain by social groups” and if it “involves power,” then territoriality is the “spatial strategy” mobilized to realize this claim by bringing “together space and society through political investments in particular places.” Footnote 10 It might be said that the dehumanizing tendencies of colonialism provoked a heightened form of unification between “space and society” in Indian anticolonial thought. Almost obsessively oriented towards identifying a sovereign Indian people, its references to territory invariably served to establish a sense of ownership and belonging for its colonized population. Later I will reflect on instances of Nehru indulging in the individuality of mountainous Kashmir. Nevertheless, in Discovery , Nehru subordinated Kashmir to an organic homeland for all Indians; it was marked by a “great mountain barrier,” “mighty rivers,” northern plains, and a borderless southern peninsula. Footnote 11 His contemporary, V. D. Savarkar, the father of modern Hindu nationalism, used this same myth of a country “so perfectly designed by the fingers of nature,” but injected it with religious meaning. An exclusive Hindu nation is bound to its sacred geography signposted throughout, but especially at the extremities, by shrines meant for its pilgrimage. Footnote 12 Earlier, at the turn of the twentieth century, the Bengali nationalists Bipen Chandra Pal and Aurobindo Ghose accused the older liberals, who had founded Congress in 1885, of wanting to merely re-create India in the image of liberal–democratic Europe. Along with reclaiming indigenous speech, poetry, and music for nationalism, Pal and Aurobindo conjoined Indians to their country by celebrating its climatic range. Footnote 13 Iqbal did much the same in his renowned Urdu poem Tarana-e Hindi (The Indian Anthem), first published in 1904. The Himalayan mountain range is made the great “guard” ( santari ) or “protector” ( pasban ) of the Indian people, while their plains—a prelapsarian garden irrigated by numerous rivers—is “the envy of paradise” ( rashk-e jinan ). Footnote 14

However, it was Kashmir, and not India as a whole, that enjoyed the more established status as an earthly paradise. This was true not just of Iqbal's writings, as we shall soon discover, but of the Indian imagination more generally, ever since the Mughals defeated the Kashmir Sultanate at the end of the sixteenth century and incorporated the Valley into their empire. Mridu Rai has deplored the historical propensity of rulers and writers from beyond Kashmir to dehumanize it by focusing on its natural beauty at the expense of a conversation about its inhabitants. Whether it was the Mughal emperors, European travelers of the colonial period, or ideologues of the postcolonial Indian state, all have indulged in “effacing Kashmiris from depictions of Kashmir.” Footnote 15 Contending that this view requires qualification, Chitralekha Zutshi argues that it ignores how early modern Kashmiri artists and poets reinserted their compatriots into “renditions of their beautiful Valley.” Kashmiris did not simply participate in creating the Mughal culture that initiated a lasting fascination with a heavenly landscape among outsiders, but also assimilated this evolving idea into a local narrative of belonging. Footnote 16 As such, these artists and poets effectively reinvigorated a longer regional legacy. For if the Mughals, and their British successors, were crucial to propagating it beyond Kashmir, Zutshi illustrates that the idea of an exceptional, sacred geography had ancient roots in Kashmiri oral traditions and Sanskrit mythologies. The most notable of these is the still-popular legend that, on the humble request of the sage Kashyap Rishi, Hindu deities transformed the Lake Satisar into the now habitable Kashmir Valley. During the sultanate period, myths like this were variously assimilated into, or remade for, Persian historical narratives both by chroniclers of local Muslim kings who sought ways to manage religious diversity, and by proselytizing Sufis who claimed that it was, in fact, the arrival of a universal Islam that elevated this beautiful landscape to a celestial plain. Footnote 17

The engagements of Abdullah, Iqbal, and Nehru with nature represented expressly contemporary responses to the problem of diversity found at the heart of Indian anticolonial thought. And while their arguments had the immediate function of displacing history itself, it is nevertheless evident that they were also heirs to a “multilingual tradition of historical composition” which had already marked Kashmiri nature as distinctive. Footnote 18 That is to say, the capacity of Kashmiri nature to independently render regional difference in modern debates about nationalism must be understood somewhat as a remaking of an established narrative of local exceptionalism. In fact, it was precisely because these three thinkers operated in a subcontinental world that had inherited the idea of Kashmiri natural distinction that they could deploy it so effectively as a disruptive factor in political thought. For as I shall illustrate below, the emblematic power of a beautiful valley relied partly upon its pregiven recognition, by both Kashmiris and other Indians, to signal particularity. And it is this combination—of a rich intellectual inheritance and its creative reinvention—which makes Kashmiri ideas so unique among Indian forms of nationalism. For while the Himalayas might be a grand mountain range punctuated by various regional settlements home to multiple ethnic groups, none compete with the entrenched South Asian mythology of Kashmir as an earthly paradise. It is perhaps for this reason that we do not seem to find nature playing a similarly disruptive role in the many other regional nationalisms of the subcontinent.

Much of the existing scholarship on regional understandings of the nation in modern India traces how various ethno-linguistic groups turned to history to construct discrete collective identities in the present. Focusing on subalterns and elites alike, and often concerned with the development of regional distinction over the longue durée , Footnote 19 it has heeded Sumit Sarkar's call to produce a “social history of historiography.” Footnote 20 However, this orientation has meant underplaying the intellectual depth lying dormant in the extensive written and spoken archive of those thinker–politicians who led, or allied themselves to, modern regional movements. And since it has hitherto concentrated on the ideas of Congress's chief ideologues and their foremost Hindu, Muslim, and Dalit opponents, the emerging historiographical project for an Indian political thought is yet to fill this vacuum. Interested in scripting the fate of India as a whole, figures as diverse as Nehru, M. K. Gandhi, Footnote 21 Abul Kalam Azad, Footnote 22 Savarkar, Footnote 23 Iqbal, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Footnote 24 and B. R. Ambedkar Footnote 25 all subordinated its many culturally disparate regions to this principal concern. Their ideas spoke directly to the centralized apparatus of the colonial state, and later some were partially responsible for the founding of (while others emerged as compelling alternative visions for) the unitary Indian or Pakistani nation-states—facts which have precipitated the scholarly privilege they have enjoyed.

Therefore, along with providing a rare treatment of Iqbal and Nehru as Kashmiris, another purpose of this article is to extend my reconstruction of Abdullah as a thinker, Footnote 26 and further his integration into the modern Indian canon. From the launch of its anticolonial struggle in 1931 to his death in 1982, Abdullah remained Kashmir's central political figure. Drawing large support from laborers and peasants, Abdullah began this long career confronting the maharaja's sectarian and nonrepresentative government which had deliberately denied the Muslim majority full access to its public resources and institutions. After independence, and despite allying his All-Jammu and Kashmir National Conference to the Nehruvian Congress during the late colonial period, he challenged the gradual centralization of political power in its postcolonial Indian nation-state with his regional conception of sovereignty. And so, while he headed the government of Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir on three occasions, this ideological clash meant that these tenures were punctuated by long terms in Indian jails. However, rather than take Abdullah seriously as a political thinker of the relationship between region and centre, the dominant empirical historiography has cast him as little more than an opportunist indulging in reactive and dishonest maneuvres. According to Zutshi, by subordinating his politics to the more powerful Congress and hitching himself to its given rendering of nationalism, Abdullah alienated the Kashmiri Muslim constituency he had crafted in the 1930s, and played a damning role in sealing their miserable postcolonial fate. Footnote 27 It is true that over the course of five decades Abdullah struggled to bridge multiple identitarian gaps in and beyond the princely state, between the people of Kashmir and Jammu, between Hindus and Muslims, and between Kashmiris and other Indians. That said, I want to argue that, at the level of rhetoric, he made frequent and independent attempts to do so while still retaining space for particularity. He thus produced an original, layered political theory out of Indian interconnections even if it generally failed to achieve tangible success.

Explaining why the empirical approach to writing about Indian nationalists had, until recently, escaped serious challenge, Shruti Kapila notes that their effectiveness as politicians had “obfuscated their role as political thinkers.” Unlike in Europe, where political thought has been associated with systematic theorists fixed to their armchairs, in India it has been principally the preserve of political actors who were interested in altering the destiny of their colonized world rather than merely understanding it. Footnote 28 A methodological shift in this direction allows me to interpret Abdullah's attempts to connect Kashmiri and Indian national identities not simply as betrayals of his people who could find “no easy correlation between the two,” Footnote 29 but as visions of a shared future in a free, decentralized Indian democracy.

While regional thinker–politicians remain largely relegated to empirical histories, a handful of recent studies—read together—begin to suggest that colonial India produced a federalist mode of thinking about the nation too. In Bengal, a province with a bare Muslim majority, both C. R. Das and Fazlul Huq realized that decentralization could resolve questions of linguistic and religious representation. Footnote 30 In the southern princely state of Travancore, Maharaja Balarama Verma, led by his diwan C. P. Ramaswamy Aiyer, hoped that embracing democracy and federalism concurrently would preserve his position in the egalitarian era being imagined by ascendant nationalists. Footnote 31 Multireligious Punjab was another important site for Indian federalism; prominent Sikh nationalists, Footnote 32 as well as the Muslim leaders of the loyal Unionist Party, Footnote 33 feared the domination of other religious groups. And yet both sets of thinkers simultaneously rose above parochial concerns to imagine a shared province and country prior to 1947. So while these various Kashmiri, Bengali, Malayali, Tamil, and Punjabi figures were directed to federalism by individual fears of linguistic, religious, and/or monarchical minoritization in the Indian democracy of the future, and therefore nuanced their relationship between region and centre in different ways, they all flipped the centripetal logic of the established canon on its head to begin their political theories from a shared, centrifugal premise: the basic political integrity of the regional community. In her study of Bengali nationalism, Semanti Ghosh notes that since the “spatial–emotional construct of the region” could be “performed and renewed through the universally accessible entitlement of a popular language,” the “bridging of the self and the community” was “more readily realizable through the mediation of a linguistic–regional identity.” The “region–nation,” as Ghosh describes it, provided “an immediate location” for “collective belonging as compared to the remoteness” of a more abstract Indian nationality. Footnote 34 This is not to suggest that these figures dismissed the latter. On the contrary, the idea that Indian nationality was a grand amalgam of smaller region–nations resonated with an array of thinker–politicians cutting across ideological and identitarian divides; both anticolonial nationalists and British loyalists, as well as Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs.

The enormity of this historiographical neglect, of course, lies in the fact that regional movements—whether federalist or secessionist—continue to rage in India and Pakistan where central authority remains vital to establishment notions of an indivisible sovereignty wielded on behalf of a singular people. It is indeed not an exaggeration to say that the long political history of India—especially since the collapse of the Mughal Empire—can be explained as a struggle between region and centre. Footnote 35 And the Kashmir Valley is integral to the modern phase of that fraught history. Since 1947, it has been persistently unwilling, perhaps unlike any other region in the subcontinent, to give up its claim to political power and be folded into the modern unitary state. Moreover, because Kashmir's particularity is universally acknowledged to be emblazoned into its very nature and is thus not simply ideological, the prospect of its political distinction is intelligible not just to Kashmiris but to all South Asians. More than any run-of-the-mill example of regional nationality, then, Kashmir is inimitably representative of their perennial question around decentering sovereignty—whether by way of federation or balkanization. Therefore, any discussion about a regionalist rendering of modern India is incomplete unless we grapple with Kashmiri political thought, the historiographical absence of which has meant that we have overlooked the finer contours of Kashmiri (and in turn South Asian) understandings of the regional.

In 1944, the National Conference published its Naya Kashmir (New Kashmir) manifesto for a socialist future. Compiled by the Punjabi communist B. P. L. Bedi, and containing a foreword written by Abdullah, Naya Kashmir made frequent references to the many “nationalities” of Jammu and Kashmir. Footnote 36 Some years later, Abdullah reiterated this understanding of the erstwhile principality when he claimed that it was “not a homogenous one. It is a combination of different areas having different cultures and speaking different languages , viz., Kashmir, Jammu, Ladakh, Gilgit, Mirpur, Poonch, and so on.” Footnote 37 While the state may not have been homogeneous, the Sher-e-Kashmir had certainly imagined its “nationalities” or region–nations as such. Like all Indian thinker–politicians who subscribed to secular nationhood, Abdullah refused to accept that religious homogeneity was a criterion for nationality. In this respect, his idea of an inherited Kashmiri nation tried to separate itself from the European original. Footnote 38 He once noted that “Kashmiris, whether Hindu or Muslim, have a similar character , similar complexion , belong to the same race , and even have similar names .” Footnote 39

However, though the Sheikh conceived of the Kashmiri nation in these historical and racial terms, it was perhaps Iqbal, a Kashmiri born and settled in the Punjab, whose Urdu but mainly Persian poetry provided the most wide-ranging exposition of this idea. And while historians have tended not to acknowledge this, Abdullah seems to have recognized his debt to him. Borrowing a phrase coined by Iqbal, Abdullah titled his memoir Atish-e Chinar (Flames of the Chinar) and prefaced his text with the original couplet. Footnote 40 Incidentally, this couplet, written at the height of the anticolonial struggle, is typical of the emblematic quality nature possesses in Kashmiri thought and to which we will shortly turn. The renowned chinar trees are integral to received Indian descriptions of a unique Kashmiri landscape; the following esoteric reference, therefore, which would have been well understood by his Urdu readership across India, is all that Iqbal needs to establish the Valley as his subject: “jis khak ke zamir men ho atish-e chinar / mumkin nahin ke sard ho vo khak-e arjumand” (“The earth that enshrines in its soul the flames of the chinar / That noble earth can never be lifeless”). Footnote 41

We have already established that though he rejected the Western conception of the modern nation for its antagonism and materialism, this did not prevent Iqbal from imagining Kashmir and India as historicized cultural collectives. So while he begins the following passage from his 1932 Persian work Javid Nama (Book of Eternity) with an unsubtle criticism of the world order of nation-states and their empires, he still provides a detailed description of the Kashmiri nation and its contemporary plight:

Like Abdullah, Iqbal distinguished Kashmiris by their shared characteristics: observant, skillful, and handsome, they have lost their courage and belligerence. The dark history they share similarly binds them: “their cup rolls in their own blood” as alien powers extract wealth from their homeland. This misfortune, of foreigners having snatched away “their share of selfhood,” now dominates their collective identity. The foreignness of their many oppressors was a key theme for Abdullah too. For Iqbal, however, there is an added nuance at play. The loss and retrieval of khudi (selfhood) was central to Iqbalian philosophy. Particularly (though not exclusively) appealing to the Muslim community in and beyond India, and predicated on his belief that Islam guaranteed human freedom by terminating prophecy after the advent of Muhammad, Iqbal argued that salvation lay in self-aware individuality. He positioned his idea in opposition to two others: Sufi fana (self-annihilation) that destroyed the individual self in order to attain union with God, and more pertinently for Kashmir, the tendency of colonialism to negate the humanity of its subject population. Footnote 43 Indeed, the loss of selfhood is a recurring feature of Iqbal's work on Kashmir. If his flute composed a dirge as his “soul burn[ed] like rue for the people of the Vale” in Javid Nama , he similarly lamented their material and intellectual poverty in the poem Saqi Nama (Book of the Cupbearer) published earlier in 1923. Footnote 44

Once Muslim power began to give way to European dominance from the late eighteenth century, lament characterized much of the poetry emanating from Persianate north India. Footnote 45 Though he too inherited this legacy, Iqbal was keen to combine the theme of loss with a future-oriented optimism. Consequently, his work appears consistently more constructive than much of what came before it. But in Kashmir lament had a longer history than on the plains. For while the Mughals were among the last Indian rulers of Hindustan for its writers, it is they who initiate a perpetuating story of alien rule for many Kashmiri chroniclers. During the height of the Mughal Empire, the seventeenth-century Kashmiri poet Muhammad Tahir Ghani was lamenting the poverty and destruction of his people. Explaining his “fatalism and pessimism,” Mufti Mudasir Farooqi and Nusrat Bazaz note that the heavy-handedness of Kashmir's Mughal governors “deeply perturbed” Ghani and his contemporaries, who absorbed the melancholic mood of the period. Footnote 46

But if Iqbal contributed to a Kashmiri tradition of lament which had a longer lineage than its Hindustani equivalent, more interesting is the fact that he seems to have recognized it. For in Javid Nama , Iqbal finds the spirit of Ghani characteristically mourning the loss of Kashmiri freedom. But Ghani, as imagined by Iqbal, is now lamenting not Mughal but contemporary Dogra domination in a hypocritical world produced by the free and powerful nations of the West. Situating Ghani in his own time, Iqbal makes a comment on the 1846 Treaty of Amritsar under which the East India Company had sold the Kashmir Valley to the Raja of Jammu for the meagre sum of seventy-five lakh rupees as a token for his loyalty during the First Anglo-Sikh War:

By taking the case of Kashmir to the League of Nations, and that too via an early modern poet whose work was rooted in the pitiful circumstances of his exploited homeland, Iqbal furthers its national status. Whatever he may have otherwise thought about this interwar body, Footnote 48 it is significant that Iqbal proposes an international conversation about Kashmir and thus equates it with its member states. For both Iqbal and Abdullah, Kashmiris made for a nation as much as the French or Germans did. It was another matter that, prior to Indian independence, both thinkers envisaged the incorporation of a Kashmiri region–nation within (albeit very different) Indian federations, Footnote 49 as opposed to the kind of absolute sovereignty enjoyed by its European counterparts. That had little bearing on the right of Kashmiris to take their moral place among the other self-defined nations of the world. Equally striking here is how Iqbal infuses his argument for international recognition with the thoroughly negative contemporary experience of Dogra subjugation. During the colonial period, a narrative of injustice all but drowned out any attempt to convince the world outside of the more positive characteristics of Kashmiri nationhood. That this colonial truism has only been amplified in the postcolonial era adds haunting value to Iqbal's verse. For, to this day, any claim made by Kashmiri nationalism for international recognition must confront its continued denial by the uncompromising national ideas now enshrined in the powerful states of India and Pakistan.

Iqbal may have mourned the plight of Kashmir, but he was not content with lament alone. Just as he disentangled himself from the literary inheritance of the plains to imagine a positive future for Indian Muslims, Iqbal did much the same for Kashmiris. During the final decade of his life, Iqbal was a keen advocate of Kashmiri democratization. Footnote 50 As a poet, meanwhile, he employed lament only to finally inspire change. Having chronicled Kashmiri degradation for most of Saqi Nama , Iqbal concludes by calling on his readers to provide the “soul-enkindling wine” for a revival. Footnote 51 In Javid Nama , much like the hopeful couplet that inspired Abdullah and with which I began this section, Kashmir and Kashmiris possess a lasting, if dormant, potential. The spirit of Ghani returns but this time to enthuse a dejected Iqbal. Kashmiris, Iqbal finally suggests, are a free people in waiting. Capable of achieving khudi , it was only a matter of time before they retrieved their collective consciousness. Footnote 52

Let us now move away from the inherited character of Kashmiri nationalism to explore how Iqbal and Abdullah gave it an unusual but powerful territoriality by habitually alluding to the flora, mountains, and watercourses of the Valley. Since both thinkers conjure vivid images with useful immediacy and deploy them so frequently, this landscape begins to act as a metaphor for Kashmiri nationality and hence transcends the mere demarcation of geography. For instance, when we take the poetry of Iqbal as a whole, we learn that almost every mention of Kashmir is coupled with a reference to its natural beauty. Whatever his intention, the effect is of an instantaneous marker. The reader knows immediately that Kashmir is being referenced and that it exists as a distinct place in the imagination of their poet. Iqbal has some extended odes to the Valley, most notably in Javid Nama . But it is elsewhere that this effect is more striking. Even when his theme is Ghani's renunciation of material possession in favour of the ascetic path of Sufi faqr (poverty), Iqbal still cites the “paradisal land” in which “that nightingale of poetry” sang. Footnote 53 Similarly, when the spirit of Ghani appears in Javid Nama urging Kashmiris to shake off foreign rule, he demands that they conjure “a new tumult” and “an intoxicating air in Paradise.” Footnote 54 Contrary to those outsiders accused of “effacing” Kashmiris from their landscape, Iqbal derives a new Kashmiri khudi from the repatriation of the Valley to its rightful owners. There was little distinction between the two for him. In fact, in his poem Kashmir , it is the foreign onlooker whom Iqbal separates from the unified land and people. Travelers are encouraged to visit Kashmir only to be finally othered:

In order to unite the lilies and tulips of the Valley with his compatriots and, thereby, divide them from their visitors, Iqbal makes use of the fact that many Kashmiris, whether Muslim or Hindu, claimed a Brahmin lineage. And yet this was surely a resourceful reinvention rather than simple appropriation of the caste hierarchy, for Iqbal showed consistent dislike for this institution and celebrated the Buddha and Nanak for rebelling against it. Footnote 56 In other words, if caste and landscape combine to consolidate the region–nation here, the former is significantly emptied of its traditional content of petrified discrimination and made to instead synonymously stand in for another kind of hierarchical difference: between inhabitant and foreigner.

This stanza represents, therefore, a stark instance of nature transcending the language of human inheritance in Kashmiri thought. But even in the examples that follow, where Abdullah directly hitches Kashmiri natural beauty to a history of conflict with other peoples, it is noticeable that nature is not dependent on the past to provide its own meaning for Kashmiri particularity. That is, while history is also capable of intensifying that particularity, it is never a prerequisite for establishing this geography as (more) beautiful (than others). The distinct Valley exists a priori; history is merely the temporal site for its contestation. We find evidence of this in a letter Abdullah penned to a party colleague in December 1967. Writing from New Delhi, where he had been jailed by a centralized Indian state unwilling to entertain his demand for self-determination, Abdullah sought, like Iqbal, to separate native from outsider:

For a very long time, Kashmir has attracted people by its natural beauty, by the art and industry of Kashmiri artisans. Nature has enriched the land and attracted people from many nations. But if Kashmir has been such an object of attraction for people from outside, how much more is it for the Kashmiris who have been born in this beautiful setting! Footnote 57

Abdullah achieved much the same in a speech he made on his release in March the following year. Connecting it to the contemporary campaign for a referendum that would finally decide the disputed future of Kashmir, a history of subjugation furthers the argument for distinction. Meanwhile, beautiful nature remains both a static backdrop and a political prize. Continuing to defy the Indian position for now, Abdullah declared at Mujahid Manzil in Srinagar,

I want our young men who raised the slogan “We want Plebiscite!” to realize what the background to this demand is. Kashmir has had a chequered history. It was in turn overrun by Moghuls, Pathans [Pashtuns], Sikhs, and later by Dogras. They were all bewitched by the beauty of this place, but, drunk with power and intransigence, they treated its inhabitants as mere chattel, destined only to provide creature comforts to them. Footnote 58

What particularly interests me about the three preceding quotations is how Iqbal and then Abdullah use the universal perception of natural beauty to successfully—and somewhat counterintuitively—other the “people from outside.” This “caravan of spring” or “object of attraction” is made perceptible to all. One did not need to be a Kashmiri, or even a well-wisher, to recognize this indisputable truth. After all, the imperial powers that had “overrun” the Valley had acknowledged it too. They might have subjugated and even despised Kashmiris, but they nevertheless had to bow in obeisance before a landscape that demanded recognition. Despite this universal perception of natural beauty, however, the outsider—whether traveler or conqueror—can never be on as intimate terms with it as the inhabitant. If perception is universal, intimacy remains exclusive. Yet it is the very delicate nature of this equation—of universalizing perception while limiting intimacy—which makes this attempt at othering so effective. Iqbal and Abdullah lure the foreigner into an association with their beautiful homeland only to hurriedly shut the door on this relationship with a language of hierarchy or unconsciousness. For Iqbal, it is because the foreigner can come close but never quite close enough to Kashmir that they are made so perceptibly aware of their otherness. In Kashmir , just as the Kashmiri “earth veils its fair face” from “the jealous sky,” and therefore refuses intimacy, Footnote 59 the presumably non-Brahmin foreigner only recognizes their place in this local hierarchy once it understands that “the caravan of spring” belongs to the attractive “Brahmin girl.” If Iqbal's foreigners must retain their consciousness to recognize their otherness, Abdullah achieves a similar end but by conjuring an image of intoxicated outsiders disoriented by the sorcery of an alluring valley. The “beauty” of Kashmir is made to “bewitch” all those who have captured it. They are simultaneously juxtaposed with the self-aware “inhabitants” who, by virtue of being “born in this beautiful setting,” possess greater knowledge and experience of it. Having separated outsider from native—or conqueror from conquered—in such stark terms, one is left with no doubt as to whom Kashmir belongs to. Therefore, in these unique ways, Iqbal and Abdullah repeated the wider anticolonial tendency to conjoin Indian populations to their land and hence subverted dehumanizing narratives of the Valley propagated by the powerful. In fact, to foreground Kashmiris as such was, however inadvertently, to reprise (but also restyle) the earlier self-making endeavours of local artists and poets during Mughal rule. Fundamentally, Iqbal and Abdullah sharpened a traditional narrative of belonging for a new politics of distinction which significantly displaced history, and was fit for the age of popular sovereignty.

Despite giving Abdullah the impression that he longed for the Valley during their meetings in Lahore, Footnote 60 in his writings Iqbal was able to present himself as a patriotic émigré secure in his relationship with Kashmir. And though Nehru also styled himself as an intimate descendent of this same distant homeland, he shared a less assured relationship with it. Indeed, while the natural beauty of Kashmir allowed Nehru to similarly mark out its distinction, it also haunted him. Before exploring this difference, I want to note where Nehru converges with Iqbal and Abdullah. In Discovery , Nehru complains about how “[m]odern industrialised communities have lost touch with the soil and do not experience that joy which nature gives and the rich glow of health which comes from contact with mother earth.” For Nehru, nature—or “its song of life and beauty” from which one can “draw vitality”—is to be found “almost everywhere.” However, only in “some places” it “charms even those who are unprepared for it and comes like the deep notes of a distant and powerful organ.” Therefore Kashmir—“where loveliness dwells and an enchantment steals over the senses”—is once again summoned to play a universal role. In a way that replicates Abdullah more than Iqbal, Nehru places a limit on intimacy too. “Enchant[ed]” by a force that is “distant and powerful,” the “unprepared” are compelled to abandon their “senses.” Footnote 61

In August 1942, Nehru and a host of Congress leaders were interned at Ahmednagar Fort in western India for participating in Gandhi's Quit India movement. On his release two and a half years later in March 1945, Nehru “felt somewhat as a stranger and an outsider” in an India that had been changed by the experiences of the Second World War. As his “mind wandered to mountains and snow-covered peaks,” he determined that a “trek to the higher regions and passes” in Kashmir would resolve his feeling of alienation. So once an opportunity for a visit presented itself at the conclusion of the Simla conference in June, Footnote 62 Nehru headed for Kashmir. And while this might partly be attributed to his love of “nature,” that he visited Kashmir despite being in the vicinity of the hills and mountains of present-day Himachal Pradesh makes his claim all the more intriguing. The “stranger” or “outsider” was going home in the hope of reacquainting the self with the world. And yet Nehru knew well that its alluring landscape was not part of his “everyday life” in urban north India. Footnote 63

Born in Allahabad to a Hindu Pandit family that had long been settled on the plains, the disjointed nature of Nehru's diasporic relationship is better represented in the following extract from 1940. After claiming that Kashmir had achieved an almost unique or “supreme” beauty, and thus converging again with the exceptionalism of his contemporaries, Nehru's commentary moves in quite different directions:

Like some supremely beautiful woman, whose beauty is almost impersonal and above human desire, such was Kashmir in all its feminine beauty of river and valley and lake and graceful trees. And then another aspect of this magic beauty would come to view, a masculine one, of hard mountains and precipices, and snow-capped peaks and glaciers, and cruel and fierce torrents rushing down to the valleys below. It had a hundred faces and innumerable aspects, everchanging, sometimes smiling, sometimes sad and full of sorrow. The mist would creep up from the Dal Lake and, like a transparent veil, give glimpses of what was behind. The clouds would throw out their arms to embrace a mountain-top, or creep down stealthily like children at play. I watched this everchanging spectacle, and sometimes the sheer loveliness of it was overpowering and I felt almost faint. As I gazed at it, it seemed to me dreamlike and unreal, like the hopes and desires that fill us and so seldom find fulfilment. It was like the face of the beloved that one sees in a dream and that fades away on awakening … Twelve days in Kashmir, twelve days after three-and-twenty years. Yet one vital moment is worth more than years of stagnation and vegetation, and to spend twelve days in Kashmir was good fortune indeed. But Kashmir calls back, its pull is stronger than ever, it whispers its fairy magic to the ears, and its memory disturbs the mind. How can they who had fallen under its spell release themselves from this enchantment? Footnote 64

Because Kashmir's particularity is widely understood as being inscribed into its nature, excessive allusions to this landscape could encapsulate distinction for both Iqbal and Abdullah. Similarly, in this passage, nature is able to independently represent an entire diasporic relationship. Nehru claims an unquestionably intimate association with Kashmir. He knows both the “feminine” and “masculine” elements of its “magic beauty.” Its “hundred faces and innumerable aspects” are known to him, as are the multitude of emotions that they encapsulate. But frustrated by the limits of time and his urban life, Kashmir “fades away,” “calls back,” and “disturbs the mind.” Despite the intimacy Nehru enjoys, Kashmir ultimately remains an “impersonal” “beloved” that was “above human desire” and belonged to some dream world from where it cast an eternal “spell” on its hapless prey. Or perhaps Kashmir, though it enchants, is paradoxically a source of dis enchantment too. For, however much he may try to anthropomorphize it, the apparent falsity or hyperreality of a nonhuman Kashmiri beauty means that Nehru, rather than resolving his problems of alienation, is only further alienated from himself.

Either way, the sheer nonhumanity of nature confirms, perhaps more explicitly than any other factor can, that Nehru's very human—or sensitive—relationship with his Kashmiri homeland (and identity) remains unfulfilled and, consequently, unstable. On the one hand, drawing on the customary fraternity of Old World nationalism, he could address Abdullah's National Conference workers as “my brother and sister Kashmiris, people of the same blood and kith and kin” during a visit to the Valley in 1945. Footnote 65 On the other, he could admit to his confidant Edwina Mountbatten, Kashmir “affects me in a peculiar way”; this, he wrote in 1948, was “a kind of mild intoxification.” Footnote 66 Leaning on statements such as these, commentators have made the unprovable claim that a personal infatuation with his homeland led Nehru to obstinately pursue its integration into India after Partition. More interesting is the fact that the diasporic Nehru—almost by his own admission—uncannily falls somewhere between Abdullah's intimate native and mesmerized outsider. It is no accident, then, that Abdullah treated Nehru as such once their differing conceptions of postcolonial sovereignty and Indian unity came into political conflict after 1947. Indeed, the Sher-e-Kashmir would come to see the Nehruvian state as a successor to the long list of intoxicated imperial powers that had occupied Kashmir and run roughshod over the rights of its people since the end of the sixteenth century. Still, he frequently (and fittingly) expressed his confidence that Nehru—a son of the soil and so certainly no foreigner—would soon regain his consciousness and mend his ways. Convinced that India's prime minister had finally determined to settle the Kashmir dispute with Pakistan, this was exactly how Abdullah understood their repaired friendship in the months prior to Nehru's death in 1964. Footnote 67

I want to conclude this section by noting an unlikely counterpart or parallel to the idea of natural purity that Abdullah, Iqbal, and Nehru collectively produced for Kashmir. To be sure, theirs was different from a more prevalent contemporary engagement with nature in India. For what interested Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore, like European figures such as Leo Tolstoy, was a return to the supposedly simple living of a preindustrial age. Footnote 68 Though this romanticism, as we have just seen in the case of Nehru, was not entirely absent from it, this Kashmiri discourse had more in common with earlier New World nationalisms belonging to colonial white settlers. These European groups had sought to remake conquered lands as their own by freeing themselves from their inheritances. Both before and after American independence in 1776, the grandiosity of nature and the apparent taming of it by frontiersmen made it possible for white colonists to imagine a new nation. Footnote 69 Similarly, in colonial Africa, but also during apartheid in South Africa, it was the supposedly unique ability of the white man to shepherd nature that allowed him to take leave of European history. Footnote 70 Kashmiris, however, were not colonists. They clearly thought of themselves as indigenous to the land, and thus had a very different relationship to it. In contrast to the white colonizers of the New World, Kashmiris did not use nature to deliberately delete the past so that they might establish a sense of belonging in the Valley. In other words, unlike white American or African identity, Kashmiri nationality was not dependent on the contemporary manipulation of nature; imagined as an inherited phenomenon, it had no desire to wholly overcome history. In fact, in the eyes of Kashmiri thinkers, it was the past which had indeed already forged the national bond between land and people. Still, in all these cases, the capacity of nonhuman nature to disrupt the protracted chronicles of human history proved to be intellectually useful. This was true even if, in the Kashmiri case, such disruption worked only to momentarily transcend (rather than significantly depart from) history and, therefore, activate nature's potential to succinctly convey distinction.

Four days after suggesting at Mujahid Manzil that the many conquerors of Kashmir had been “bewitched by” its landscape and thus less conscious than Kashmiris of its “beauty,” on 8 March 1968 Abdullah repeated this idea of difference between native and foreigner at Sopore but by drastically refashioning its content. Foreign rule and exploitation had “for centuries” made the Valley “a veritable hell” for “its inhabitants.” Since Kashmiris “could not get enough to keep their body and soul together” and “were famished for want of food, raiment, and the like,” it was a “real paradise” only “for those who” visited on “holiday.” If Kashmiris boasted an intimacy with their beautiful homeland, their battle for mere sustenance—an apparent consequence of their lost sovereignty—meant that they were unable to indulge in it: “I used, therefore, to put this question to myself: what sort of unkind fate was this that brought about this contrast between those who were the natives of this place and those who visited it for their ‘pleasure’?” Footnote 71 Despite threatening to disrupt his earlier claims about the universality of beauty and the limits of intimacy, the final effect that Abdullah seeks—of separating inhabitants from outsiders—is heightened by this “unkind fate.” The outsiders are now not only incapable of the intimacy experienced by Kashmiris, but are also marked as socioeconomic others. They can afford “to take a holiday here” and are “contrast[ed]” with the underprivileged “natives of this place.”

But what is particularly important about this statement is the lack of control that Kashmiris—destitute and subjugated—are said to have over their beautiful landscape. At Mujahid Manzil, Abdullah had noted that the natural beauty of Kashmir appeared seductive to the conqueror precisely because territory can be forcibly delinked from its inhabitants and their well-being. Here at Sopore, though the holidaymaker, unlike the conqueror, might be uninterested in stealing away the sovereignty of Kashmir, their privilege allows them to similarly bypass the sentiments of their hosts and monopolize any “real paradise” and the “pleasure” it provides. Another consequence of the nonhuman natural world being so disconnected from human life, therefore, was this notion of a beautiful valley being stolen by the rich and/or powerful—or, put differently, its incomplete ownership by its poor and/or vulnerable inhabitants.

If universal perception permitted Iqbal and Abdullah to counterintuitively separate outsiders from—and connect intimate Kashmiris to—the landscape, they knew well that this universality also made Kashmir the site of foreign envy and, thereby, political contestation. Whatever their intimacy, the people and the landscape existed as distinct entities. Consequently, it might be said that to persist with natural beauty as the foremost source of Kashmiri nationality when (often more powerful) others looked upon it enviously was to jeopardize control over this identity. No matter how hard these thinkers try to tie Kashmiris to their beautiful abode, we cannot think of human beings (especially subjugated ones) irrevocably owning physical geography in the way that they might possess genealogies, religion, narratives of human history, or even political visions for the future. And so, if the established idea of a unique nature can be successfully reworked into a political language to promptly assert the Valley's particularity, that very nature, which makes this new identitarian politics possible, is also what finally curtails or betrays it. This leads us back to a wider philosophical question that so perplexed Nehru above: to what extent can we meld ourselves into nature or become one with it?

It is significant, then, that when the Sheikh laid out the terms of an extensive nationalism and used nature to yet again distinguish Kashmir in 1946, he refused to make it the sole or even primary instrument for this project. Seemingly aware of the anxieties that this would create for a colonized people with a long history of invasion, Abdullah gave equal weight to some of the other subjects that interested him. In fact, the Sher-e-Kashmir even wondered whether his people were “worthy” of their attractive homeland. That he made these statements at this politically uncertain and thus especially anxious juncture is interesting. India was now on the cusp of freedom, but the fierce public argument over its new constitutional structure—between Congress centralists, Muslim and Dalit communitarians, and regionalists like Abdullah—remained unresolved.

Kashmir is dear to us because of its beauty and its past traditions which are common to all who inhabit this land. But it is the future that calls to us and for which we labour, a future that will be the common heritage of all, and in which we as free men and women, linked organically with the rest of India, will build the New Kashmir of our dreams. Then only shall we be worthy of the land we dwell in. Footnote 72

Earlier I illustrated how a negative history of exploitation, along with the ideas of race that they shared with Nehru, allowed both Iqbal and Abdullah to bind the Kashmiri people. Adding further content to this nationalism, here Abdullah alludes to a more positive inheritance of cherished “traditions” but also the imminent creation of a new “common heritage”: socialism. I have contended elsewhere that he deployed religion and even monarchy too. Footnote 73 So though it is beyond the scope of this article to offer systematic analyses of these many other themes, I wish to stress that his attempt to distinguish Kashmiris had little choice but to lay emphasis on a range of subjects other than geography. For what should now be clear is that nature, because of its qualitative disconnection from Kashmiris, fails to emerge as the victorious, preeminent factor of difference in their nationalism. The Valley's theft always remains a dangerous possibility, and thus Kashmiri nationalism, if it wishes to maintain its intellectual integrity, must simultaneously embrace its more human markers of identity. Though it can cut through the baggage of inheritance, nature does not eliminate, but is forced to take its place alongside, the other factors in Abdullah's (or for that matter Iqbal's or even Nehru's) thinking. This is despite nature being the promptest, most economical, and arguably most effective way of accentuating the distinction of Kashmir as against—or, as we shall soon find, from within—the federation of Indian peoples.

It is worth pausing here to reflect on the wider presence in modern Indian intellectual history of this idea that what a people claim to possess can be stolen by others. For if history and religion, unlike natural landscapes, are forms of human knowledge and, therefore, more easily owned by their self-proclaimed inheritors, we know all too well that these inheritances rarely go uncontested. During the colonial period, the British claimed that they alone were capable of recovering India's poorly chronicled ancient history. Footnote 74 By monopolizing Indian history writing in this way, it was they—much to the irritation of Indian nationalists—who defined its meaning for contemporary Indians and so reduced them to spectators in a conversation about their ancestors. Not unrelated was Iqbal's fear that though the strength of Islam was its rejection of conventional nationalism in favour of service to humankind, this universality could easily be made its weakness. In both his Shikwa (Complaint) (1909) and Jawab-e Shikwa (Complaint's Answer) (1913), Iqbal notes that Muslims—dispossessed of political power and choosing to dwell on past glories instead of upholding human equality and free will—had suffered a moral decline. This, he suggests, may lead to Islam being usurped by another idea. For while Islam was the finest advocate of human universalism, that principle, if appropriated by other ideologies that were manned by more resourceful and committed followers, could be divorced from it. Though Iqbal despised communism for sacrificing human ethics at the altar of atheistic materialism, he recognized that it was the greatest representative of this threat for, like Islam, it possessed universal ambitions. Footnote 75

It is true that unlike Abdullah, who finally looked beyond nature to secure Kashmiri nationality, those who problematized colonial history writing, or the vulnerability of a universal Islam, chose not to accept their intellectual defeat or limitations but to offer direct solutions to these concerns. While Iqbal claimed that a presentist Muslim selfhood could safeguard the ethical core of his global religion, independent India's first education minister, Abul Kalam Azad, would later call on international historians to unite for the purpose of writing a dispassionate history of India, free from the political biases of the preceding monopoly of British authors. Footnote 76 But that Azad and Iqbal could even suggest these solutions perhaps only confirms that it was philosophically more plausible to rescue bodies of historical knowledge and abstract religious principles. By comparison, it was difficult for Abdullah to fully restore the connection between Kashmiris and their beautiful land when they had been so easily divorced from it by others. Even still, these ostensibly disparate problems coalesce into an engagement with intellectual theft among modern Indian thinkers for whom colonialism was a central fact in their political lives. That Abdullah was perceptively aware of the limitations of nature for Kashmiri nationalism represents a (particularly intense) element of an unexpected but recurring concern with losing one's belongings to the more powerful, affluent, conscious, and/or enterprising.

It will already be evident that just as Abdullah tried to separate Kashmir, he also wished, somewhat paradoxically, to maintain its “organic” “link” with “the rest of India.” Throughout his long career, Abdullah referred repeatedly to India's “organic unity” cultivated not merely by nature but also “through ages of social, cultural and economic intercourse” between different communities and regions. Though he may not have given it the kind of theoretical depth that we find in the works of diverse figures like Pal, Aurobindo, Iqbal, Nehru, and Savarkar, for the Sher-e-Kashmir the geographical integrity of India was a similarly unquestionable truth. So that when India was partitioned he spoke of an “unnatural operation” or “sudden vivisect[ion]” of “one organic entity.” Footnote 77 The calamitous events of 1947 had ruined his late colonial vision of the many region–nations of the Dogra state joining an independent Indian federation once they and their “brethren” across the subcontinent had ousted their British overlords and marginalized their princely allies. Elsewhere, I have argued at some length that if Abdullah deemed the Mughals, Pashtuns, Sikhs, and Dogras to be alien rulers in the Valley where political power was a solely Kashmiri prerogative, in the countrywide Indian context this could not be so. Since Abdullah imagined India to be a cultural federation of various peoples, these Indian groups are integral, not foreign, to this grand union. Footnote 78 Kashmir's particularity, encapsulated best of all of by its vivid topographical difference from the rest of India, meant that it could not be reduced (or made subservient ) to any larger political entity. That, however, did not preclude Abdullah's ambition to define Indian unity on his own terms. In sum, Kashmiri and Indian nationality existed as two concentric national arenas in his imagination—a complex relationship which allowed the Sher-e-Kashmir to flit between the languages of foreignness and brotherhood almost at will.

This sociocultural understanding of Indian unity connected Abdullah to the wider secular nationalist claim of “unity in diversity.” On this matter, at least, he had much in common with Nehru, who might be said to have best theorized, and also popularized, this idea. “[S]ince the dawn of civilisation,” Nehru wrote in Discovery , Indians had harbored “a dream of unity.” Refusing “standardization,” Nehru claimed that the Indian idea sought to be “something deeper and, within its fold, the widest tolerance of belief and custom was practiced and every variety acknowledged and encouraged.” Footnote 79 Just as Abdullah reserved the most intimate cultural bonds for Kashmir while nevertheless declaring himself to be an Indian, during his visit in 1940 Nehru remarked that returning to the land of his ancestors gave him “a sense of coming back to my own.” The people of urban north India, whom Nehru had briefly left behind to go “back” to the Valley, were less intimately connected to him than the Kashmiris; it was instead they who were truly his “own.” Writing to his daughter Indira, he wondered, “it is curious how race memories persist, or perhaps it is all imagination.” Footnote 80

Like Kashmir, then, the India that these thinkers imagined was an Old World nation. Though Kashmiris were more homogeneous and thus closely associated than Indians, both groupings derived their meaning from mutual cultural inheritances. But if Nehru and Abdullah shared this idea of sociocultural scales, only the Sher-e-Kashmir imagined its full political translation. Anxious to change the destinies of impoverished Indians through centralized planning, Nehru could scarcely propose dividing sovereignty between the regional units of his socialist nation-state. Just as significantly, he also held the more common Indian nationalist view that concentrating power in a central government would prevent a fledgling country from being pushed in different directions by multiple regional authorities. A unitary state would be better placed to maintain India's integrity and newly acquired independence. Footnote 81 So while cultural diversity was an indisputable reality, Indians could not afford to convert it into political autonomy. However, having made sovereignty a principally regional idea, for Abdullah things were quite different.

In a speech he delivered at Jammu towards the end of his career in 1976, Abdullah compared the widely celebrated idea of Indian cultural variety with his less accepted notion of regional political distinction. The context of this address to his party colleagues was unlike the many that had come before it. Having rescinded his demand for a referendum to sign an accord with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's Congress government the previous year, Abdullah had all but abandoned the kind of Kashmiri self-rule and Indian decentralization that he had imagined for most of his political life. After a decisive victory in the 1971 Bangladesh War had secured India's status as the preeminent power in the subcontinent, perhaps Abdullah realized that his best chance for political stability in Kashmir lay in accepting New Delhi's terms. With his popularity in the Valley diminishing as a result, the Sher-e-Kashmir sought to explain why he was resisting one final capitulation to Congress by refusing to merge his National Conference within it. In a vast country marked by changing conditions and contexts, Indian reality could only but produce multiple, region-specific political consciences. These, as much as Indian unity itself, were organic phenomena. So Abdullah unsurprisingly reused nature's metaphorical power to make his argument, even if he now spoke in abstract terms rather than with reference to Kashmiri geography. It is nature—cast once again as a pure element standing beyond the realm of human life—which can nevertheless best capture the distinctions among, as well as the overarching unity of, the Indian people:

The history of the National Conference, its traditions and struggles, notwithstanding its regional character, formed part of the great freedom movement of India in which all Indians participated without regard for caste or creed. Even so, our respective movements carried their own stamp and bore their distinctive individuality. This fact about our organization was recognized by Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, and other leading personalities of India. This recognition of a distinct personality and the assertion of an individuality does not negate the unity of India. On the other hand, it projects the political character of our country and its cultural diversity. Just as the regional hues of India combine to decorate and put life in the cultural rainbow of the country, so would the regional character or the individuality of political movements launched in different regions enrich the political system of India. The greatness of an ocean and its span is a natural truth, but its greatness does not lessen the importance of the existence of rivulets, brooks, or springs. In their own way they too serve and are not irrelevant. We may go further and say that these very water courses, [o]n the other hand, contribute to the glory of an ocean and the power of its waves. Who would, for instance, dispute the grandeur of mountains and their peaks? But the tiny flowers growing at their feet also own a pattern of beauty with a unique appeal. Footnote 82

If the Nehruvian Congress, having broadly refused cultural homogeneity in favour of plurality, searched for a political uniformity to meet the demands of a modern age, here Abdullah asks it to recalibrate the latter with the methodology of the former. The India that Abdullah imagined was strong enough to withstand not only cultural, but also political, diversity. If India could “decorate” its “cultural rainbow” with its many “regional hues,” it was equally capable of embracing the “distinct personality” of multiple “political movements.” Their acknowledgment need “not negate the unity of India,” not least because they were bound by common commitments to postcolonial “freedom” and social inclusion “without regard for caste or creed.” It was possible, then, to be politically (and culturally) different while remaining nationally united. Abdullah is also concerned with generalizing his argument and avoiding the charge of parochialism. Though he talks specifically about a Kashmiri political distinction, he is also interested in establishing a broader Indian principle; he wants to consider, at least theoretically, the possibility of other “political movements launched in different regions enrich[ing] the political system of India.” Coming late in his career, this address demonstrates that his failure to establish an alternative Indian principle did not deter Abdullah from continuing to suggest it. That said, it also shows that he was unafraid of claiming it particularly for Kashmir. In fact, eight years earlier, in 1968, Abdullah told an interviewer that “without seceding from India,” it would have been possible for its regional units to have remained “independent” after 1947. Once it became clear that other regions were less interested in, or had been forced to forgo, this federal possibility, Abdullah still had to “consider” what was “best for Kashmir.” “What others do,” he noted, “is their job.” Footnote 83

We have seen that while Nehru often, and Iqbal almost always, turned to nature to distinguish their ancestral homeland, they did so from firmly within the confines of their secular–unitary or religio-ethical Indian projects. For Abdullah, however, the allure of the Valley's exceptional beauty—or even the allegorical function of a wider, unspecified natural world—lay in underlining his intellectual escape from these very terms of debate. Nature's potency, in other words, was integral to the Sheikh's counterargument that maintaining the intra- and interreligious unities of the Indian people was contingent on the political acknowledgment of their regional differences.

Abdullah's political project was, therefore, quintessentially federal. To be clear, it was oriented around maintaining the supremacy of a near-homogeneous Kashmiri region–nation in its association with a diverse but organic India of multiple region–nations. That the Sher-e-Kashmir was, in this respect, not unlike the Bengali federalists and the Sikh nationalists, or even the loyal Punjabi Unionists and the monarchical government in Travancore, suggests that his thought forms a constituent part of an understudied federal mode in twentieth-century Indian intellectual history. Put differently, other than the centripetal visions of Congress secularists like Nehru, or Muslim communitarians such as Iqbal, there existed another way of imagining an inclusive Indian future which prioritized, above all else, the primacy of the regional community. But since their respective political projects permitted degrees of regional difference, these two émigrés were able to implicitly agree upon a conception of nature with Abdullah that single-handedly encapsulated Kashmiri particularity. That this landscape had long been universally acknowledged as inimitably beautiful is what allowed these three thinkers to redevelop this theme so effectively into an original political language, and thus provide Kashmiri nationalism with its distinction among a host of Indian forms. As such, this universality emerged as a powerful tool for the purposes of embracing the native, othering the outsider, and capturing the entirety of Nehru's disjointed diasporic relationship. And yet nature is unable to decisively award Kashmir to its inhabitants; they must finally look elsewhere to fulfil the promise of their nationalism. If its great qualities of economy and metaphor allow Kashmiris to momentarily escape more protracted narratives of history to define the region–nation, nature is simultaneously the alluring, nonhuman power gesturing towards a history of subjugation. It is this disconnect between Kashmiris and their beautiful land which enables the powerful outsider, if it so chooses, to remain interested not in people but in territory, and for an array of reasons: natural beauty, wealth, defense, and—in the case of today's resurgent Hindu nationalism—the recovery of an ancient national unity sanctified by the Kashmiri crown placed on the head of a divine Mother India. Indeed, the incumbent Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government, rather than finding a solution to the long-standing Kashmir problem that incorporates the most popular political voices in the Valley, has ultimately sought to implement its homogenizing project by crushing Kashmiri Muslim nationalists—both secessionists and Indian unionists.

Today, Abdullah is a much-maligned figure. He is predictably loathed by Pakistani nationalism for failing to subscribe to the notion that Indian Hindus and Indian Muslims made for two discrete nationalities. Meanwhile, Hindu nationalists lament the fact that he achieved a semblance of Kashmiri autonomy in his negotiations with Congress in the late 1940s, had these solemnized under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution in 1950, and consequently delayed the arrival of a symmetrical Indian federation. But since he was unable to ever protect these initial concessions from an insincere Congress, let alone secure his promised referendum that would have allowed the Kashmiri nation to pronounce its sovereign verdict on its future, Abdullah has been disowned by prevalent strands of Kashmiri nationalism too. His legacy enjoys currency only among pro-India Kashmiri parties like his own National Conference and, somewhat ironically, in secular Indian nationalist circles still dominated by Congress. Nevertheless, as the original thinker of the Kashmiri nation, Abdullah's life and work shed significant light on why his homeland has failed to realize political stability in a subcontinent dominated by the diverse but unitary states of India and Pakistan. The argument for natural Kashmiri distinction that I have explored here goes a long way to exposing this incongruence, an argument which retains its meaning in our own time. A recent example of this appeared in a brief but powerful tweet from the BBC's Urdu newsreader Aliya Nazki on 5 February 2020. Nazki mourned the six-month anniversary of the BJP government's communication blockade in the Valley which followed its unilateral decision to abrogate an already hollow Article 370 and bifurcate the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir into two, even less autonomous, union territories. The Kashmiri journalist—like Abdullah, Iqbal, and even Nehru before her—evoked much of the economical and metaphorical quality provided by the grandiosity and beauty of nature. Asserting the inhabitants’ ownership over their landscape in the wake of another successful attempt to disturb that intimate yet vulnerable relationship from outside, Nazki also exposed nature's immortality and thus its ability to stand beyond the realm of ephemeral human action: “Our mountains will be here long after the storms have passed.” Footnote 84

Acknowledgements

I am especially grateful to Faisal Devji and Shruti Kapila for their perceptive feedback on this article and generous encouragement of my ideas. Cécile Laborde and Farzana Shaikh provided insightful remarks on earlier versions of this work. Thanks are also due to Priya Atwal, Vanya Bhargav, Onaiza Drabu, Stephen Gucciardi, Ria Kapoor, Taushif Kara, Smriti Sawkar, Gautham Shiralagi, Kushal Sohal, and Samuel Garrett Zeitlin for helpful comments and stimulating conversation. This article benefited from remarks offered by anonymous reviewers, and especially from the editorial feedback that I received from Tracie Matysik.

1 For more on how the princes were tied into unitary conceptions of Indian sovereignty see, for instance, Purushotham , Sunil , “ Federating the Raj: Hyderabad, Sovereign Kingship, and Partition ,” Modern Asian Studies 54 / 1 ( 2020 ), 157 –98 CrossRef Google Scholar .

2 For how precolonial patriotism preceded modern notions of nationalism in India see C. A. Bayly, Origins of Nationality in South Asia: Patriotism and Ethical Government in the Making of Modern India (Delhi, 2001).

3 For the origins of this modern history see, for example, Annabel Brett, Changes of State: Nature and the Limits of the City in Early Modern Natural Law (Princeton, 2011).

4 This article focuses on the ethnic aspect of Abdullah's project. I have begun to explore his engagement with religion in Amar Sohal, “Kashmiri Secularism: Religious Politics in the Age of Democracy,” Global Intellectual History , 2021, DOI: 10.1080/23801883.2021.1939502.

5 Sanjay Seth, “Nationalism, National Identity and ‘History’: Nehru's Search for India,” Thesis Eleven 32 (1992), 37–54.

6 Devji , Faisal , “ Secular Islam ,” Political Theology 19 / 8 ( 2018 ), 704 –18 CrossRef Google Scholar , at 705.

7 Ibid ., 704–18.

8 Muhammad Iqbal, “Presidential Address,” 29 Dec. 1930, in Speeches, Writings and Statements of Iqbal (hereafter SWSI ), ed. Latif Ahmad Sherwani (Lahore, 1995), 3–29, at 8.

9 Jawaharlal Nehru, The Discovery of India (Delhi, 2004), 56.

10 Itty Abraham, How India Became Territorial: Foreign Policy, Diaspora, Geopolitics (Stanford, 2014), 13.

11 Nehru, Discovery , 42.

12 V. D. Savarkar, Hindutva: Who Is a Hindu? (Bombay, 1923), 95.

13 Bose , Sugata , “ The Spirit and Form of an Ethical Polity: A Mediation on Aurobindo's Thought ,” Modern Intellectual History 4 / 1 ( 2007 ), 129 –44 CrossRef Google Scholar .

14 Muhammad Iqbal, “Tarana-e Hindi,” in Iqbal, Bang-e Dara (Lahore, 1977), 83, translation my own.

15 Mridu Rai, Hindu Rulers, Muslim Subjects: Islam, Rights, and the History of Kashmir (London, 2004), 2–4.

16 Chitralekha Zutshi, Languages of Belonging: Islam, Regional Identity, and the Making of Kashmir (London, 2004), 30–31.

17 For this long history see Chitralekha Zutshi, Kashmir's Contested Pasts: Narratives, Sacred Geographies, and the Historical Imagination (Delhi, 2014).

18 Ibid ., 1–2.

19 Apart from Zutshi's and Rai's work on Kashmir, see Prachi Deshpande, Creative Pasts: Historical Memory and Identity in Western India (New York, 2007); and Yasmin Saikia, Fragmented Memories: Struggling to Be Tai-Ahom in India (Durham, NC, 2004). For a differently oriented study of the regional community see Farina Mir, The Social Space of Language: Vernacular Culture in British Colonial Punjab (Berkeley, 2010). Mir unearths an interreligious Punjabi literary culture that existed beyond the realm of colonial politics and thus escaped its categories of “religion” and “nation.”

20 Sumit Sarkar, Writing Social History (New York, 1997), 1.

21 Faisal Devji, The Impossible Indian: Gandhi and the Temptation of Violence (London, 2012); Ajay Skaria, “Gandhi's Politics: Liberalism and the Question of the Ashram,” South Atlantic Quarterly 101/4 (2002), 955–86.

22 Amar Sohal, “Ideas of Parity: Muslims, Sikhs and the 1946 Cabinet Mission Plan,” South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 40/4 (2017), 706–22; Sohal, “A Third Way: Muslim Arguments for Secular Nationalism in Mid-Twentieth Century North India” (unpublished D.Phil. thesis, University of Oxford, 2019).

23 Thomas Blom Hansen, The Saffron Wave: Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in Modern India (Princeton, 1999).

24 Faisal Devji, Muslim Zion: Pakistan as a Political Idea (London, 2013).

25 Kapila , Shruti , “ Ambedkar's Agonism: Sovereign Violence and Pakistan as Peace ,” Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 39 / 1 ( 2019 ), 184 –95 CrossRef Google Scholar ; Anupama Rao, The Caste Question: Dalits and the Politics of Modern India (Berkeley, 2009), 118–60.

26 My first attempt at this reconstruction explores Abdullah's approach to questions of Muslim, Hindu, and Sikh minorityhood. See Sohal, “Kashmiri Secularism.”

27 Zutshi, Languages of Belonging , 210–322. Other empirical accounts include Ian Copland, “The Abdullah Factor: Kashmiri Muslims and the Crisis of 1947,” in Donald Low, ed., The Political Inheritance of Pakistan (London, 1991), 218–54.

28 Shruti Kapila, “Global Intellectual History and the Indian Political,” in Darrin McMahon and Samuel Moyn, eds., Rethinking Modern European Intellectual History (Oxford, 2015), 253–74, at 261–2.

29 Zutshi, Languages of Belonging , 274.

30 Semanti Ghosh, Different Nationalisms: Bengal, 1905–1947 (Delhi, 2017).

31 Pillai , Sarat , “ Fragmenting the Nation: Divisible Sovereignty and Travancore's Quest for Federal Independence ,” Law and History Review 34 / 3 ( 2016 ), 743 –82 CrossRef Google Scholar .

32 Sohal, “Ideas of Parity,” 714–22.

33 Though yet to be treated as thinker–politicians, the evidence that empiricists assemble suggests that they were nevertheless invested in Indian federalism. See Newal Osman, “Dancing with the Enemy: Sikander Hayat Khan, Jinnah, and the vexed question of ‘Pakistan’ in a Punjabi Unionist context,” in Ali Usman Qasmi and Megan Robb, eds., Muslims against the Muslim League: Critiques of the Idea of Pakistan (New York, 2017), 311–37; and Ian Talbot, Khizr Tiwana: The Punjab Unionist Party and the Partition of India (Oxford, 1996).

34 Ghosh, Different Nationalisms , 12.

35 For the origins of this history see Muzaffar Alam, The Crisis of Empire in Mughal North India: Awadh and the Punjab, 1707–48 (Delhi, 1986).

36 All-Jammu and Kashmir National Conference, New Kashmir (Delhi, 1948), 13, 16, 40.

37 Sheikh Abdullah, “View Explained,” 8–13 June 1970, in Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah's Reflections on Kashmir , ed. Nyla Ali Khan (Basingstoke, 2018), 94, emphasis mine.

38 Though Abdullah's engagement with religion is outside the scope of this article, I want to note that his Kashmiri nation often collapsed into Muslim majoritarianism. Therefore the comparison with conventional European nationalism holds better than he perhaps intended. I have dealt with this subject, and how he and Iqbal territorialized Islam for the benefit of Indian unity, both in “Kashmiri Secularism” and (at greater length) in “Third Way,” 113–74.

39 Sheikh Abdullah, “Interview for Shabistan ,” 1968, in Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah's Reflections on Kashmir , 134, emphasis mine.

40 Sheikh Abdullah, Flames of the Chinar: An Autobiography (Delhi, 1993), vii.

41 Muhammad Iqbal, Armughan-e Hijaz (Aligarh, 1975), 39, translation my own.

42 Muhammad Iqbal, Javid Nama (Lahore, 1932), 186–7. Translation from Arthur Arberry, Javid-Nama (London, 2011), 117–18.

43 Javed Majeed, Muhammad Iqbal: Islam, Aesthetics and Postcolonialism (Delhi, 2009), 20–23.

44 Muhammad Iqbal, “Saqi Nama,” in Iqbal, Payam-e Mashriq (Lahore, 1923), 104–5.

45 Frances Pritchett, Nets of Awareness: Urdu Poetry and Its Critics (Berkeley, 1994).

46 Mufti Mudasir Farooqi and Nusrat Bazaz, The Captured Gazelle: The Poems of Ghani Kashmiri (Delhi, 2016), 57–8.

47 Iqbal, Javid Nama , 189. Translation from Farooqi and Bazaz, Captured Gazelle , 61.

48 Iqbal used this “Anglo-French institution, miscalled the League of Nations,” to imagine an “Eastern League of Nations.” Made up of Asian and Middle Eastern countries to avert the global hegemony of Western capitalism and imperialism, this alternative body appears to conveniently minimize the nation-state's influence in the Muslim world too. See Muhammad Iqbal, “Statement on Palestine,” 27 July 1937, in SWSI , 293–5, at 295.

49 For Iqbal see “Presidential Address.” For Abdullah see Khidmat , 24 April 1946, quoted in Zutshi, Languages of Belonging , 301–2.

50 Iqbal's short-lived All-India Kashmir Committee established at Lahore in 1931 assisted Abdullah's movement with legal and financial aid. For Iqbal's views on Kashmiri democratization see Sohal, “Kashmiri Secularism.”

51 Iqbal, “Saqi Nama,” 120. Translation from Hadi Hussain, A Message from the East: A Translation of Iqbal's Payam-e Mashriq into English Verse (Lahore, 1977), 82.

52 Iqbal, Javid Nama , 195.

53 Muhammad Iqbal, “Ghani Kashmiri,” in Iqbal, Payam-e Mashriq , 120. Translation from Hussain, Message from the East , 90.

54 Iqbal, Javid Nama , 195. Translation from Arberry, Javid-Nama , 122.

55 Muhammad Iqbal, “Kashmir,” in Iqbal, Payam-e Mashriq , 114–15. Translation modified from Hussain, Message from the East , 95.

56 Muhammad Iqbal, “Nanak,” in Iqbal, Bang-e Dara , 239–40.

57 Sheikh Abdullah to Ghulam Ahmed, 11 Dec. 1967, in Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah's Reflections on Kashmir , 37–8.

58 Sheikh Abdullah, “Speech at Mujahid Manzil,” 4 March 1968, in ibid., 48–53, at 49.

59 Iqbal, “Kashmir,” 114. Translation from Hussain, Message from the East , 95.

60 Abdullah, Flames of the Chinar , 52.

61 Nehru, Discovery , 618–19, emphasis mine.

62 Organized by the viceroy of India, this conference failed to foster an accord over Indian self-government between Congress, the Muslim League, and other smaller parties.

63 Nehru, Discovery , 633–4.

64 Jawaharlal Nehru, “Kashmir,” 24–31 July 1940, in Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru (hereafter SWJN ), ed. S. Gopal et al., 85 vols. to date (Delhi, 1984–), 11: 401–16, at 403, 416.

65 Jawaharlal Nehru, “Speech to National Conference,” 4 Aug. 1945, in ibid., 14: 388.

66 Jawaharlal Nehru to Edwina Mountbatten, 27 June 1948, quoted in Alex von Tunzelmann, Indian Summer: The Secret History of the End of an Empire (London, 2008), 285.

67 Sheikh Abdullah to Lal Bahadur Shastri, 17 March 1965, in Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah's Reflections on Kashmir , 32; and Abdullah, “Interview for Shabistan ,” 156–8.

68 For this see Skaria, “Gandhi's Politics.”

69 See, for example, Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind (New Haven, 2014).

70 See, for example, Roderick Neumann, Imposing Wilderness: Struggles over Livelihood and Nature Preservation in Africa (Berkeley, 1998).

71 Sheikh Abdullah, “Mammoth Gathering,” 8 March 1968, in Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah's Reflections on Kashmir , 58.

72 Sheikh Abdullah, “Against Autocracy,” 1946, in Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah's Reflections on Kashmir , 200.

73 Sohal, “Third Way,” 113–74.

74 Javed Majeed, Ungoverned Imaginings: James Mill's The History of British India and Orientalism (Oxford, 1992).

75 Devji , Faisal , “ The Language of Muslim Universality ,” Diogenes 57 / 35 ( 2010 ), 42 –5 CrossRef Google Scholar .

76 Abul Kalam Azad, “Study of Indian History,” 28 Dec. 1948, in Speeches of Maulana Azad, 1947–1958 (Delhi, 1989), 53–7.

77 Sheikh Abdullah, “Statement by Prime Minister,” 5 Nov. 1951, in Jammu and Kashmir Constituent Assembly Debate , vol. 1 (Srinagar, n.d.), 100–1; Abdullah, “Mujahid Manzil,” 52.

78 Sohal, “Third Way,” 128–38.

79 Nehru, Discovery , 55.

80 Jawaharlal Nehru to Indira Nehru, 29 May 1940, in SWJN , 11: 473.

81 For his rejection of decentralization see, for instance, “Nehru's Press Conference,” 10 July 1946, in Nicholas Mansergh and E. W. R. Lumby, eds., The Transfer of Power 1942–7 , vol. 8 (London, 1979), 27–8.

82 Sheikh Abdullah, “Presidential Address,” 24 April 1976, in Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah's Reflections on Kashmir , 83–4.

83 Abdullah, “Interview for Shabistan ,” 168.

84 Aliya Nazki, 5 Feb. 2020, at twitter.com/AliyaNazki/status/1225011572436803586 (accessed 30 June 2021).

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• Volume 19, Issue 4
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• DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S1479244321000470

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10 Lines on Jammu and Kashmir

The state of Jammu and Kashmir is situated on the highest latitude on the map of India, like a jewel in the crown. The scenic topography and pleasant weather of the state have attracted tourist from all over the world. Tourism from travel enthusiasts and pilgrims vastly contribute to the state’s economy. The tension in the region due to the border dispute between India, Pakistan and China has negatively affected life in the state. India has fought five wars with neighbouring countries over the state of Jammu and Kashmir since its Independence.

Ten Lines on Jammu and Kashmir

1) Jammu and Kashmir are a Union Territory in India.

2) It has two capitals; Jammu and Sri Nagar.

3) For its natural beauty, it is called heaven on earth.

4) Kashmiri, Dogri and Urdu are the main languages of Jammu and Kashmir.

5) Jammu and Kashmir are mainly divided into three parts; Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh.

6) The “Pashmina Shawl” of Kashmir is famous in the whole World.

7) Jammu and Kashmir have the majority of the Muslim population.

8) The Ladakh part of Jammu and Kashmir has the majority of Buddhists.

9) The people of Jammu and Kashmir mainly depend on farming and agriculture.

10) It is a tourism spot for people from all around the world.

We are providing another set of ten lines on Jammu and Kashmir in English for class 6, class 7, class 8, class 9 and class 10. After reading these you will know; summer and winter capital of the state, the official language of the state, the flag of Jammu and Kashmir, major rivers flowing through the state and various regions of the state.

Add these few lines in your essays and paragraph writing as well as in your examination and school competitions. It will support your essay on Jammu and Kashmir and current affairs; will serve as background information while writing an essay on the current ongoing situation in Jammu and Kashmir.

1) Jammu and Kashmir is the northernmost state of India.

2) The state is named after its two most popular regions in the state: Jammu region and Kashmir region.

3) The other distinct region of the state includes Gilgit, Baltistan and Skardu.

4) Jammu is the winter capital of the state, whereas Srinagar is summer capital.

5) Urdu written in Persian script is the official language of Jammu and Kashmir.

6) Jammu and Kashmir was the only state in India with its own official state flag and constitution.

7) The flag of Jammu and Kashmir featured a white plough and three white vertical stripes on a red background.

8) The red colour represents labour, the plough symbolizes farmers and each stripe represents three distinct administrative divisions of the state.

9) The Jhelum, Indus, Tawi, Ravi and Chenab are the major rivers flowing through the state.

10) The Jhelum is the only major Himalayan river flowing through the valley of Kashmir.

1) Maharaja Hari Singh was the last reigning monarch of the Princely state of Jammu and Kashmir.

2) The state is subjected to border dispute since the partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947.

3) India’s neighbour, Pakistan and China forcibly grabbed many regions of Jammu and Kashmir.

4) The largest portion of the original state of Jammu and Kashmir still remains as a state within India.

5) Currently, India controls 45% of the area of former Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir.

6) Pakistan and China have occupied 35 and 20 per cent area of Jammu and Kashmir respectively.

7) The Kashmir valley is known for its sericulture and cold water fisheries.

8) Saffron from Kashmir contributes a huge amount of foreign exchange for the state.

9) Kashmiri willow is very popular wood from Kashmir, used for making high-quality cricket bat.

10) The Kashmir valley is topographically well positioned between the great Himalayan range and the Pir Panjal range.

1) Jammu and Kashmir is the only state in India with the majority of Muslim population apart from Union territory Lakshadweep.

2) As per 2011 Census of India, The State of Jammu and Kashmir consists of 68.3% Islamic, 28.4% Hindu, 1.9% Sikhs, 0.9% Buddhists and 0.3% Christian population.

3) The state of Jammu and Kashmir has a very distinctive Physiographic feature.

4) The plains, the Himalayas, the plateau of Ladakh, the Shivaliks and the Kashmir valleys are some major physiographic features of the state.

5) The state of Jammu and Kashmir enjoyed special status for seven decades, due to autonomy granted to the state under Article 370 of the Constitution of India.

6) On 5 th August 2019, the Government of India repealed the special status awarded to Jammu and Kashmir.

7) The Parliament of India also passed the Jammu and Kashmir reorganisation act.

8) This reorganizes the state of Jammu and Kashmir into two Union Territories.

9) First one is Jammu and Kashmir with its own legislature and second is Ladakh without legislature.

10) The Reorganization Act will come into effect on 31 st October 2019.

We know Jammu and Kashmir has been in a state of turmoil since independence, all wars and militant activities have only negatively impacted the life in the state. Tourism has taken a huge hit due to instability in the region, the British government still advises their citizen to not travel to Jammu and Kashmir except for the cities of Jammu and Srinagar and Ladakh; whereas Canada excludes entire state except Leh. The state of Jammu and Kashmir has had a rich history; recent development in law may put an end to the instability in the region.

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Beauties of Kashmir Essay

Beauties of kashmir.

Love for beauty is an inborn trait with a man. Prettiness has served as a source of joy and thrill for the people of all times and climes. This is so because the human soul being essentially beautiful and graceful is moved by an external view of beauty. It is a case of “like attracting the like.”

The beauty of Kashmir beggars description. The crystal clear and cool waters, the gentle breeze blowing through its meadows and forests, the gushing cascades, the serpentine rivers, the babbling brooks, the rippling lakes and the lofty snow-clad mountains of Kashmir prove a delicious treat to the people who visit it. Tourists visiting the valley, at the very first sight, succumb to the temptation of these idyllic scenes.

Whichever way you enter Kashmir – by air or by road – the very first glimpse of its sparkling lakes, sun-bathed slopes, dark shadowy vales, and snow-covered mountain ranges are bound to captivate your heart and a Persian poet’s words, “If there is paradise on earth it is this, it is this”, Would instantly spring to your mind.

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Essay On Beauty Of J&K In Urdu

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کشمیر کی خوبصورتی پر ایک مضمون

کشمیر دنیا کی سب سے خوبصورت جگہوں میں سے ایک ہے۔ اور یہ خوبصورت خطۂ زمین ہندوستان اور پاکستان کے درمیان واقع ہے۔ کشمیر کا کچھ حصہ پاکستان میں واقع ہے تو کچھ ہندوستان میں ہے۔کشمیر کو اس کی خوبصورتی کی وجہ سے دنیا کی جنت بھی کہا جاتا ہے۔ یہ ایک اسی جگہ ہے جہاں قدرتی برفباری ہوتی ہے اور یہاں چاروں طرف برف کی سفید چادریں بچھی ہوئی دیکھائی دیتی ہیں۔ دیودار سے اور پائن کے درختوں سے گرنے والی برف واقعی یہاں آنے والوں کو ایک نئی دنیا عطا کرتی ہے۔ آپ جہاں بھی نظر ڈالیے صرف برف ہی برف نظر آتی ہے اور دنیا بھر سے لوگ اس حسین نظارے کا لطف اٹھانے یہاں آتے ہیں۔ سردیوں میں جموں و کشمیر کے سیاحتی مقامات کا یہی نظارہ ہوتا ہے جسے الفاظ میں بیان نہیں کیا جاسکتا اور ایک بار اسے دیکھنے کے بعد ہر شخص کہتا ہے: ‘اگر زمین پر جنت ہے تو وہ کشمیر ہے’۔

سیاحتی مقامات

جموں وکشمیر کے سیاحتی مقامات نہ صرف گرمیوں کے موسم میں بلکہ سردیوں میں بھی سیاحوں کو راغب کرتے ہیں۔ جموں وکشمیر کے سیاحتی مقامات کی دلچسپ حقیقت یہ ہے کہ دہشت گردی کے ایام میں بھی یہاں آنے والوں کے قدم کبھی نہیں رکتے۔ فرق صرف اتنا ہے کہ اگر وہ ایک سیاحتی مقام تک نہیں پہنچ پاتے ہیں تو وہ دوسرے مقام پر چلے جاتے ہیں۔

اب جبکہ وادی نے برف کی چادر اوڑھ لی ہے۔ چنار کے درخت سرخ ہو چکے ہیں۔ پہاڑوں پر برف کی چمک سے ایسا لگتا ہے جیسے چاندی کے ورق چڑھا دیے ہوں۔ جن لوگوں کو جنت کا شوق ہے ان کے لئے یہ تفریح کرنے کا بہترین مقام ہے۔ گذشتہ کچھ دنوں سے برف باری کا عمل شروع ہوچکا ہے اور ان حسین مناظر کو اپنے کیمرے میں محفوظ کرنے کا وقت اس سے اچھا اور نہیں ہو سکتا۔

ریاست میں سیاحوں کے لئے بہت سے مقامات ہیں جہاں ہر آنے والے کو سیاح جانا جاتا ہے، لیکن شاید ہی کوئی شخص گلمرگ ، سونامرگ ، پہلگام اور پتنيٹاپ کے بغیر زندگی گزار سکے ان میں سے پہلی تین وادی کشمیر میں مختلف سمتوں میں ہیں ، اور چوتھی پتنیٹاپ جموں ڈویژن میں کشمیر جاتے ہوئے راستے میں آتا ہے۔

• پہلے ہم گلمرگ کے بارے میں بات کریں۔ یہ کشمیر ڈویژن کے ضلع بارہمولہ میں واقع ہے۔ یہ سرینگر سے 57 کلومیٹر دور ہے۔ سرینگر سے مسافر کو بس دو گھنٹے میں گلمرگ پہنچا دیتی ہے۔ گلمرگ میں اسکیٹنگ ، گولف کورسز ، دنیا کی بلند ترین کیبل کار اور ٹریکنگ کے علاوہ صوفی سینٹ بابا رشی کی درگاہ بھی دیکھنے کو ملتی ہے۔
• گلمرگ ان لوگوں کی زندگی ہے جو کشمیر آتے ہیں ، تو سونامرگ کو یقیناً ایک دل کہا جاسکتا ہے۔سطحی سمندر سے 2،730 میٹر بلندی پر کشمیر ڈویژن میں واقع ، سونامرگ بھی خوبصورتی کے معاملے میں اپنی مثال آپ ہے۔
• پہلگام کو فلمی شوٹنگ کی وجہ سے پہچان حاصل ہوئی ہے کیونکہ بہت سی فلموں کی شوٹنگ اس کے آس پاس کی وادیوں میں کی گئی ہے اور امرناتھ یاترا کا روایتی راستہ بھی یہیں سے ہے۔ دریائے لِدر کے دونوں کناروں پر واقع پہلگام کی خوبصورتی اپنی مثال آپ ہے۔ اس میں گھوڑوں کی سواری ، ٹریکنگ ، گولف ، فشنگ وغیرہ کے لئے مکمل سہولیات موجود ہیں۔
• ان سب کے درمیان ، اگر ہم پٹنیٹاپ کے بارے میں بات نہیں کریں گے تو جموں و کشمیر آنے کا مقصد شاید ہی پورا ہوسکے گا۔ یہ جموں اور سرینگر سے 108 کلومیٹر کے فاصلے پر واقع ایک مشہور سیاحتی مقام ہے۔ یہ گہرے درختوں اور گھروں سے گھیرا ہوا ہے، جس کی سطح 2004 میٹر بلندی پر ہے ، اور اسی کی وجہ سے ہر ایک شخص کشمیر کو زمین پر جنت ہونے کا محسوس کرتا ہے۔

جموں کے پتنیٹاپ میں بھی برف باری شروع ہو چکی ہے اور دھند نے پتنیٹاپ کو اپنی لپیٹ میں لے لیا ہے۔ اگر آپ اس سیزن میں جموں و کشمیر آئیں گے تو آپ کو معلوم ہوگا کہ اس شاہی ریاست کو جنت کیوں کہا گیا ہے۔

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Sambhaav Utsav: Shayari/Poetry Competition 2024 by Govt. of J&K [Open to All; E-Certificates]: Submit by July 20

• Priyanka Barik
• Jul 9, 2024

Submissions are invited for Sambhaav Utsav: Shayari/Poetry Competition 2024 by Govt. of J&K. The last date of submission is July 20, 2024.

Competition Details

The Resident Commission, J&K, New Delhi is delighted to announce a Shayari/Poetry Writing Competition for the residents of Jammu and Kashmir. This contest aims to celebrates the rich blend of Dogri, Kashmiri, and Urdu traditions—the threads that bind hearts across Jammu and Kashmir.The competition invites poets and shayars to express their emotions, memories, and hopes through words that transcend through all the boundaries.

Participants can explore the ancient temples of Jammu and the tranquil beauty of Kashmir, weaving verses that resonate with the region’s heritage and harmony.

Participants can submit their shayari / poetry through below-mentioned theme. “Jammu aur Kashmir Ke Lafz: Ek Safar, Ek Kahani”.

Entry Categories

General age group.

Eligibility

• The contest is open to all, professional and amateur, regardless of age and gender .
• Only Single document (PDF or JPEG image)file up to 1000 words is allowed.
• Data files created with a device capable of taking still images.
• Both colour and monochrome files will be accepted.
• File size: up to 5 MB of PDF file per work.
• The essays/poetry can be written in English/Hindi/Urdu language.
• PDF data file format is recommended.
• Entrants must hold all applicable rights to the final document, including any retouching or other image processing.
• Winners might be asked to provide higher-resolution PDF documents for publication or display purposes related to the contest.

Selection Procedure

• After the judging concludes, the winners will be notified via email sent to their registered email address.
• Winners might also be contacted by telephone or other means as the Resident Commission Office deems it necessary to confirm any of the information provided, etc.
•  Resident Commission Office will not accept any liability for any disadvantages that arise for any reason as a result of the inability to receive email or similar problems.

E-certificate to be distributed.

How to Submit?

Interested participants can submit online via this link .

Submission Deadline

The last date of submission is July 20, 2024.

Click here to view the official notification of Sambhaav Utsav: Shayari/Poetry Competition 2024 by Govt. of J&K.

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